^■0- ^ 



. /r?ih-.'' . 



l^ c '-' ^^ 



<:C\^.: 



,^> ^^, 









^^.. v:^^ 






'^. V -^•- -^yiW^- '^'^ 



■*• /A 



0^" .^ 








\^^^- 










\^^ 



^* '^z 









t,^ X 






■-y 



o 0- 






.0 



- ^ 



\; 



■y' 






O- * .0 pa 



sV>' '>?. 






^^^. ,<^' 



S' -^^ 








•*^- 

o 


'■ *. '^- 


>A / 


■^ 0^ : / 




>"' x'?'^ .,. "^'^ 





.^-^■ 



-.v 



"^^, v^' 



•-^ 










MARQUIS GILBERT-MOTIER LAFAYETTE. 



THE LIFE OF THE 

MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE 

Major General in the United States Army in the 
War of the Revolution 

By P. C. HEADLEY 

Author of "LIFE OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS," 
"LIFE OF KOSSUTH," "LIFE OF NAPOLEON 
BONAPARTE." "WOMEN OF THE BIBLE," etc. 

WITH NOTES BY 

HENRY KETCHAM 




WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 



A. L. BURT COMPANY, J^ ^ J. J> 
^ ^ ^ PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK 






V 



THE LIBRARY OF 
CONGPESS, 

Two Copies Received 

JUN G 1903 

Cepyiig^'t Entry 

SiusS S^ XXo. No. 
(0:^72. ST 

COPY B. 



Copyright, 1903, 
By a. L. BURT COMPANY. 



PREFACE. 



In offering the public another biography of Lafay- 
ette, the author offers no apology. It is true, the his- 
tory of this great man has been given in various 
memoirs, but not a full and chronologically correct 
record of his eventful and brilliant career. Besides, 
his character may be more carefully analyzed and 
studied in the light of recent developments, which 
add a new interest to portions of his history, formerly 
involved in a good deal of obscurity. 

Lafayette's name is inseparably associated with 
that of Geokoe Washington; and he should be 
known as familiarly to every American citizen. To 
make this acquaintance with him in his manifold 
spheres of activity more completely attainable by all, 
is the design of this volume. European and Ameri- 
can authorities have been consulted, but their opinions 
are often deemed not strictly legitimate in view of 
facts. Especially is the part he acted in the French 
Revolution discussed freely, and the patriotic de- 
signs of the unsuccessful Hero seen, it is believed, 
through all that bloody tragedy. 

It is believed that the accuracy of the work will not 
be impeached. Information has been sought from a 
great variety of sources, Foreign and American. 

iii 



iV PREFACED. 

The disinterested philanthropy and hunger for 
freedom which animated the Marquis in his youth, 
and engaged his riper thought when a venerable 
hermit at La Grange, appeal to the heart and aspira- 
tions of the successors of the illustrious dead as the 
guardians of a Republic, which has passed from the 
stormy deep of physical combat, to the less awakening, 
but equally perilous sea of moral and political con- 
flict 



CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER I. 

PAQE 

The Man of Two Worlds — Birth of Lafayette— His An- 
cestry and early Years — Removal to Paris — Intercourse 
at Court — His marriage with the Countess de Noailles 
— Her Character — Lafayette's sympathies with Free- 
dom — First News of the American Struggle — Plans — 
Disappointments and Hopes — Visits London — Re- 
turns to Paris — Leaves Paris for Bordeaux — Plans 
Discovered — Leaves Bordeaux for Passage — Returns 
to Bordeaux — Sets sail from Passage for America — 
Voyage — Letters to his Wife — Arrival in America 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Lafayette in America — Reception — Visits Charleston — 
Letter to his Wife — Proceeds northward to Philadelphia 
—His reception there — Distrust of Congress — Resolutions 
passed — Lafayette meets Washington — Friendship of 
the two — Dark prospects of the Revolution — Battle of 
Brandy wine — Heroic conduct of Lafayette — Is wounded 
— At Bethlehem — Letters — Again at Camp — Accom- 
panies Gen, Gi'eene to New Jersey — Engagement at 
Gloucester — Lafayette is appointed to a command — 
Winter Quarters at Valley Forge — The Conway Cabal — 
Expedition against Canada — Lafayette returns to Valley 

Forge 21 

iii 



iv CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER III. 

PAas 
Brightening Prospects— Opening of the Campaign of 1778 
— Lafayette at Barren Hill — Perilous Position — Brilliant 
Manoeuvre, and safe Retreat — Attachment of the Army 
— Affecting Intelligence from Home — Death of his 
Daughter — Letter to his Wife — Evacuation of Philadel- 
phia — Battle of Monmouth — Arrival of Count D'Estaing, 
and the French fleet — Lafayette at Rhode Island — 
Sullivan and D'Estaing — D'Estaing determines to sail 
for Boston — Remonstrance — Lafayette and the Admiral 
— Reasons for the Measure — Retreat from Newport — 
Efforts of Lafayette — Repairs to Boston — Again at Rhode 
Island — Retreat — Resolutions of Congress — Correspond- 
ence — Lafayette prepares to revisit France — Action of 
Congress — Departure 69 

CHAPTER IV. 

Letter to Washington — The Voyage — Storm and Con- 
spiracy — Arrival in France — Reception — PoUtical Quar- 
antine — Lafayette is admitted to the Royal Presence 
and Favor — His popularity — His laboi's in behalf of 
France and America — Letter to President Laurens — 
Presentation of the Sword to Lafayette — Dr. Frank- 
lin's Letter, and Lafayette's Reply — Lafayette and the 
Ministry — Success at last — Proposed plan of Aid — La- 
fayette sails for Boston — Arrival, and Letter to General 
Washington — Reception at Boston — Repairs to Head- 
quarters — Goes to Philadelphia — Situation of the Army 
— Washington — Letters — Designs upon New York — Ar- 
rival of the French Fleet — Lafayette at New York — 
Head Quarters , 113 

CHAPTER V. 

Treason of Arnold — Fate of Andre — Washington in New- 
port — Lafayette in Maryland — Manoeuvres and Opera- 
tions there — Destitution of the Soldiers — Generosity of 
the Marquis — Lafayette in Virginia — Phillips and the 



CONTENTS. V 

PAGE 

Traitor — Cornwallis arrives, and takes the supreme 
Command of tlie British Troops — His Cliaracter — Pur- 
suit of Cornwallis, and reti'eat of the Marquis — Junc- 
tion with Wayne — The Pursued turns Pursuer — Corn- 
wallis retreats to Portsmouth — Embarks for Yorktown 
— Fortifies himself at Yorktown and Gloucester Point — 
— Arrival of tlie Frencli Fleet — Arrival of the allied 
Ai'my — Siege of Yorktown— Surrender of Cornwallis — 
Results — Lafayette goes to France 133 

CHAPTER VI. 

Lafayette's Reception in Paris — At Home — Efiforts for 
America — Preparations of France and Spain — Lafayette 
at Cadiz — Negotiations for Peace — Treaty of Peace rati- 
fied — Lafayette at Madrid — Continued endeavors — Free 
Ports — Duties on Oil — Desires to return to America — 
Embarks at Havre — Arrival at New York — Enthusiastic 
welcome — Visits Washington at Mount Vernon — Treaty 
with the Indians — Kayewia — Visits Boston — Reception 
there — Proceeds to Virginia — Meets Washington at 
Richmond — Returns North — Takes leave of Congress 
— Returns to France — Visits Frederick the Great— In- 
cidents — Plans for African Emancipation — Interposition 
in behalf of persecuted Protestants 190 

CHAPTER VII. 

A new Era in Lafayette's History— Causes which led to the 
French Revolution — Mistaken views concerning it — 
CharacterofLouisXVL— State of tlielNation— The wlieel 
of Revolution begins to move — Assembly of Notables — 
Lafayette a member — The States-General — The Tiers 
Etat and the Nobles — Union of the Tliree Estates— La- 
fayette's Oratory — Bill of Rights — Outbreak of the 
People — Destruction of the Bastile — Lafayette com- 
mands the National Guards — Murder of Foulou — T^efu- 
tation of Slander against Lafayette — Mob of Women 
— Judicious course of Lafayette— The Royal Family 



vi CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

leave Versailles for Paris — Reconciliation again — Cele- 
bration of the Fourteenth of July — Magnificent Festival 
— Lafayette refuses the command of all the National 
Guards of France — His true Nobility of soul 210 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Solemn Perjury — Lafayette's Position — His Letter to 
"Washington — Jealousy of the King and Queen — Flight 
and return of the Royal Family — The King signs the 
Constitution — Lafayette resigns his office as Commander 
of the National Guards — Affection of the Guards and 
the Nation forliim — Testimonials of Esteem — He retires 
to Chavagniac — Petion is elected Mayor of Paris — Prep- 
arations for War — Lafayette is called upon — He as- 
sumes the Command — Marches to Givet — Treason — Re- 
tires to Maubeage — Letter to the Assembly — Appears in 
Paris — Returns to his Army — Last effort to save the 
King — The Reign of Terror — Decree against Lafayette 
— Diflficulties which surround him — He leaves theArmy. 259 

CHAPTER IX. 

Companions of Lafayette in his Exile — He is stopped at 
Rochefort — Passports refused — Shameful Treatment — 
Imprisonment — Delivei'ed over by Prussia to Austria — 
Confinement at Olmutz — Refinement of Cruelty — Sym- 
pathy felt for liim — Efforts for his Release — Conduct of 
Governeur Morris — Madame de Lafayette — Bollman and 
Huger's Attempt — Escape — Is taken, and again thrown 
into Prison — Increased Cruelties — Conduct of Madame 
de Lafayette — With her two Daughters she visits him 
in Px-ison — Her Heroism — Bonaparte — Final Release — 
Reception in Hamburg 289 

CHAPTER X. 

Lafayette in Private Life again — Two Years in Holstein 
— Visits Batavia — Overthrow of the French Directory 
— Napoleon appointed First Consul — Lafayette appears 



CONTENTS. yii 

PAGE 

in Paris — Chagrin of Bonaparte — Mutual understand- 
ing — Lafayette retires to La Gi-ange — His intercourse 
•witli Bonaparte ceases— Death of Madame de Lafayette 
— Banishment of Bonaparte to Elba — Elevation of 
Louis XVIII. to the French Throne — Escape of Bona- 
parte — He appears in Paris — Bonaparte and Lafayette 
— Reverses at Waterloo — Abdication — Lafayette at La 
Grange — Is again elected to the Chamber of Deputies — 
Revisits America — Incidents of his Tour — Returns to 
France — Another Revolution — Death of Lafayette — 
His Character 332 



LIFE OF THE 

vMARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTEK I. 

Lafayette has been called the man of two 
worlds ;* and whether we accredit him this title be- 
cause his history is identified with that of the two 
hemispheres, or in view of the universal praise 
awarded him both in Europe and America ; it is a 
merited distinction. He is one of the few heroes, 
who rise above national prejudice and vanities, and is 
esteemed for what he is — independently of the acci- 
dents of birth and clime. His elevated character re- 
sembled in many points that of Washington, his 
friend and companion in arms. There was a balance 
of powers — a well-sustained earnestness, and even en- 
thusiasm of action, while his heart beat with the 
loftiest impulses of virtue and freedom. He dis- 
dained the adulation of the courtly throng, and found 
pleasure, incomparably purer, in lifting up the weak 
and despairing to summits of greatness, if possible, 
equal to his own. 

Marie-Paul-Joseph-Roche- Yves Gilbert Motier de 
Lafayette was born on the 6th of September, 1757. \ U 
*"L'homme des deux mondes." — Berangee. > 



2 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Through a long line of ancestry he could trace his 
descent from the nobility of the earliest periods of 
French history ; and, it is interesting to remark in the 
first glimpses which we get of the family, the same 
high qualities of character that reflect such honor 
upon the name, as they are seen exemplified in the 
history of its most distinguished representative. As 
early as the fifteenth century, when France was sub- 
jected to a hostile invasion, and the security of its 
government threatened, a Lafayette became the terror 
of the foe, and contributed more than any other ip 
drive out the enemy from the land. In the seven- 
teenth century Louis de Lafayette was especially in- 
strumental in defeating the plans of Richelieu, and in 
reconciling Louis XIIL to his queen. The family is 
not without favorable notice in the literary annals of 
France. Madeline Countess de Lafayette is the au- 
thoress of several works of much celebrity which have 
come down to the present time. In all the annals of 
this illustrious line, there are no unworthy deeds, and 
no stain of dishonor tarnishes its escutcheon. 

The birth place of young Lafayette, was in the 
province of Auvergne, situated in the central part of 
the southern division of France. The Chateau de 
Chavagnac,* where he first saw the light, is about 
one hundred and twenty leagues from Paris, and is an 
exceedingly romantic spot. The country seat stands 
amid an amphitheater of mountains, conmanding a 
magnificent and ample view of encircling summits. 

* This magnificent castle was situated in the department of 
Auvergne, in Southern France, 



MARQtnS DE LAFAYETTE. 8 

This region was probably thrown up by the same con- 
vulsion that elevated the x\uvergne range, and ex- 
hibits all the varied and picturesque scenery of a sur- 
face, which has been broken into broad undulations 
and solemn peaks, by the upheaving of volcanic fires. 
The chateau was built in 1701 on the ruins of one 
that had long been the family residence, but was swept 
away with its ancient associations and pleasant mem- 
ories, by a conflagration that left only the blackened 
fragments of the fine old homestead. 

The first seven or eight years of his life, were 
passed in Chavagnac. His father, a Colonel in the 
French army, having fallen in the battle of Minden * 
a few months before his birth, the care of his infancy 
was left entirely to his mother, a woman of excellent 
qualities and rare attainments. 

By her unwearied devotion, the frail form of this 
only son survived the debility which for awhile, in- 
dicated a brief career. She watched with maternal 
solicitude and joy the hue of health stealing so grad- 
ually over his pale features, and marked the increas- 
ing strength of his attenuated frame ; although it gave 
but slight promise of the vigor which sustained the 

*The battle of Minden, in Westphalia, Prussia, was fought 
August 1, 1759. It was one of the severe battles of the 
Seven Years' War, a war that was waged primarily between 
Frederick the Great of Prussia and Marie Theresa of Austria ; 
though, owing to entangling alliances, it ultimately involved 
nearly the wliole of Europe and was fought out in Asia, 
Africa, and America. At Minden the French, under Con- 
tades, suffered a disasti'ous defeat at the hands of the allied 
English and German forces under the Duke of Brunswick, 



4 LIFE OF GENERAL 

fatigues and arduous duties of his subsequent life. 
His mind, however, gave early indications of its 
power. He seemed to leap over infancy at a stride, 
and was a mature man in thought and feeling, while 
others of his age were only children. The same gen- 
erosity and nobility of soul; the love of liberty and 
enthusiastic hatred of oppression ; the self-sacrificing 
spirit and warm hearted devotion to whatever he 
espoused, which rendered his after life so illustrious, 
characterized also his early history. At the age of 
about twelve years he was entered at the college of 
Louis le Grand in Paris, where, under a course of ex- 
cellent training, he zealously pursued his studies. 
His mind was well formed for a student, and, had his 
attention been continued in that direction, he might 
easily have become one of the most accurate scholars 
of his time. 

By the death of his mother, in 1770, and of his 
grandfather a short time after, he became the heir to 
immense wealth, which, being entirely at his own con- 
trol, surrounded him with a crowd of parasites and 
flatterers, whose fawning and constant attendance 
checked, at once, the scholar's progress. The mild- 
ness and aifability of his manners, moreover, made 
him a great favorite at court, where the gentle but 
unfortunate Marie Antoinette took him under her 
special care. He became a page to the queen, and at 
the age of fifteen, in the year 1772, he was enrolled a 
member of the Mousquitaires du Roi, a body of sol- 
diers whose particular duty it was to protect the 
person of the king, and which was composed solely of 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 6 

the descendants of the noblest families of France- 
Through the direct influence of the queen, he was 
promoted to the rank of a commissioned officer in this 
corps; and, though he says that his military services 
'' only interrupted his studies on review days," it is 
evident that the alacrity and zest with which he was 
wont to engage in intellectual culture had already 
subsided under the pressure of engagements of quite 
a different nature. 

His own conversational powers were of a high 
order, and their activity varied much with his moods 
— sometimes mild and winning, and again ardent and 
enthusiastic. When he spoke of liberty, or listened 
to a tale of oppression, his eye kindled with a glow, 
that disclosed the pure and intense flame on freedom's 
hidden altar. His soul, from earliest boyhood, was 
fired with the themes of human well-being, and des- 
potic cruelty. 

" You ask me at what period I first experienced 
my ardent love for liberty and glory ; — I recollect no 
time of life anterior to my enthusiasm for anecdotes 
of glorious deeds, and to my projects of traveling 
over the world to acquire fame. At eight years of 
age, my heart beat when I heard of an hyena that had 
done some injury, and caused still more alarm in our 
neighborhood, and the hope of meeting it was the ob- 
ject of all my walks. When I arrived at college, 
nothing ever interrupted my studies, except my ardent 
wish of studying without restraint. I never deserved 
to be chastised ; but, in spite of my usual gentleness, 
it would have been dangerous to have attempted to do 



6 LIFE OF GENERAL 

SO. I recollect with pleasure that, when I was to 
describe in rhetoric a perfect courser, I sacrificed the 
hope of obtaining a prize, and described the one, who, 
on perceiving the whip, threw down his rider. Re- 
publican anecdotes always delighted me, and when my 
new connections wished to obtain for me a place at 
court, I did not hesitate displeasing them to preserve 
my independence." How plainly, in all this, is his 
character seen. The steed, gentle when well treated, 
but throwing his rider at sight of the whip, had spirit 
which chimed in well with that of the youthful hater 
of oppression. 

In his seventeenth year * Lafayette was married. 
The object of his choice was first selected by him 
from considerations of family interest, but the mar- 
riage was consummated, as there is every reason to 
believe, with the purest affection. His lady was the 
Comptesse Anastasie de Noailles, daughter of the 
Duke d'Ayen. Her life is one of the brightest in the 
annals of female heroism, conspicuous alike for gen- 
tleness, disinterested devotion and patient endurance 
of every privation which attends deepest misfortunes. 
In the progress of this history, we shall have occasion 
to notice and admire her worth. She brought her 
husband a fortune, which together with his ample in- 
heritance, gave him a revenue of 200,000 francs, or 
37,500 dollars, per annum. But she was a richer 
treasure than it all. Lafayette gave abundant evi- 
dence that he cherished for her the highest esteem, and 
her character and history show that she reciprocated 

* April, 1774. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 7 

fully his affection. " At this period of his life, the 
Marquis de Lafayette was a man of commanding 
figure and pleasing features, notwithstanding his deep 
red hair. His forehead, though receding, was fine; 
his eyes clear hazel, and his mouth and chin delicately 
formed, exhibiting beauty rather than strength. The 
expression of his countenance was strongly indicative 
of a generous and gallant spirit, with an air of con- 
scious greatness. His manners were frank and ami- 
able — his movements light and graceful. Formed, 
both by nature and education, to be the ornament of a 
court, and already distinguished by his varied and at- 
tractive qualities in the circle of his noble acquain- 
tance, his free principles were neither withered by 
the sunshine of royalty, nor weakened by flattery and 
temptation." 

In the summer of 1Y76, Lafayette was stationed on 
military duty as an officer of the French army, in the 
citadel of Metz. It was the summer distinguished 
as the greatest modern epoch in the progress of hu- 
manity — the summer of the declaration of American 
Independence. He was at this time but little more 
than eighteen, but, as we have before noticed, his 
maturity was far beyond his years. The Duke of 
Gloucester having been exiled from the court of Great 
Britain on account of his impolitic marriage, was 
then at Metz. He was a brother of the King of Eng- 
land, and M'as constantly receiving advices relating to 
the progress of the opening struggle in America. The 
first tidings of the kind which he communicated to the 
French officers there, struck the key note to Liifa^- 



8 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ette's fiery ardor ; and tlie more vividly the Duke de- 
scribed the plans of the British ministry to crush the 
efforts of the colonists, the more firmly settled in his 
breast became the plan, which he seems to have im- 
mediately formed, of going to their rescue. America 
fighting for its independence appealed strongly to his 
imagination, but America oppressed and likely to be 
crushed in the struggle, enlisted every sympathy of 
his heart. 

Throwing up his office at Metz, he returned to 
Paris. He knew that the earnest opposition of his 
family and friends would be brought to bear against 
his designs, but he had determined to throw himself 
into the struggle, and no human barrier could defeat 
the purpose. His first steps, however, were taken 
with great caution. With the utmost secrecy he made 
his inquiries and preparations, carefully concealing 
his intentions from the wife of his bosom and most 
of his intimate friends. At length he disclosed his 
determination to his relative the Count de Broglie, but 
received from him the strongest opposition. The 
Count pictured to him, in glowing terms, the difiicul- 
ties and dangers of the undertaking, and endeavored 
by every means to dissuade hinl from the enterprise — 
" Your uncle perished in the wars in Italy," said he, 
" your father fell in the battle of Minden, and now I 
will not be accessory to the ruin of the only remaining 
branch of the family." Notwithstanding, Lafayette 
was not disheartened. The secretary of the Count, 
Mr. Duboismartin, entered at once into all his plans, 
and approved them. His position and skill enabled 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 9 

him to render the Marquis important aid, both in the 
way of advice and active assistance. 

Lafayette, not for a moment dissuaded from his ro- 
mantic and perilous scheme by his interview with the 
Count de Broglie,* soon laid open all his plans to the 
Baron de Kalb, to whom he had been attracted by a 
kindred sympathy. The Baron's heart beat with the 
same enthusiasm which animated the young Marquis, 
and his love of liberty was equally ardent. De Kalb 
zealously seconded his design, and opened to him new 
methods for carrying it forward. Mr. Silas Deane, 
an agent sent out by the American Congress to ne- 
gotiate with the French government, was at this time 
in Paris. To him De Kalb introduced the Marquis, 
and spread before him the generous offer of his per- 
sonal service in the American war. Mr. Deane was 
at first unfavorably impressed with the boyish appear- 
ance of Lafayette, (he was at this time scarcely nine- 
teen years of age,) but the earnestness with which the 
young volunteer pleaded his cause ; the ardor which 
he manifested in the enterprise, and the probable ef- 
fect which his departure would have throughout 
France in awakening a more intense sympathy with 
the American States overcame his first hesitation. A 
mutual agreement was made, and Lafayette left him 
with his youthful spirit bounding to the music of free- 
dom's battle. The following paper, which he had ob- 
tained from Mr. Deane, was to him a richer treasure 

* Lafayette afterwards states, tliat the Count withdrew his 
opposition after all his efforts to turn him from his project 
had proved in vain. 



10 LIFE OF GENERAL 

than liis ancestral domain. It was given in virtue of 
Lafayette's stipulation to depart as early as circum- 
stances should permit, and engage personally in the 
struggle for the Independence of the United States. 

" The desire which the Marquis de Lafayette shows 
of serving among the troops of the United States of 
l^Torth America, and the interest which he takes in 
the justice of their cause, make him wish to distin- 
guish himself in this war, and to render himself as 
useful as he possihly can. But not thinking that he 
can obtain leave of his family to pass the seas and 
to serve in a foreign country, till he can go as a 
general officer, I have thought that I could not bet- 
ter serve my country, and those who have entrusted 
me, than by granting to him, in the name of the very 
honorable Congress, the rank of Major-General, which 
I beg the states to confirm and ratify to him, and 
to deliver him the commission to hold and take rank 
from this day with the general officers of the same 
degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great dig- 
nities which his family hold at this court, his con- 
siderable estates in this realm, his personal merit, 
his reputation, his disinterestedness, and above all, his 
zeal for the liberty of our provinces, are such as to 
induce me alone to promise him the rank of Major- 
General in the name of the United States. In wit- 
ness of which I have signed the present this 7th day 
of December. 1776. 

Silas Deane." 

" The secrecy," says Lafayette, " with which this 
negotiation and my preparations were made, appears 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 11 

almost a miracle; family, friends, ministers, French 
spies and English spies, all were kept completely in 
the dark as to my intentions." 

In the midst of his preparations, unforeseen diffi- 
culties arose. A ship was fitting out in which he 
was to take his departure, when news of disastrous 
defeats in the revolutionary army reached France. 
Hearts throbbing with hope were hushed at the tidings 
of these sad reverses on the field of conflict fur liberty. 
The intelligence which flew across the Atlantic and 
made the bells of London ring for joy, fell like a fu- 
neral knell upon many a circle in Paris and other parts 
of the kingdom. The court of Versailles had not yet 
openly espoused the American cause, but Louis XVL 
was looking upon the struggle with anxious eye, and 
discerning politicians were already predicting that 
France would soon be joined in fraternal league with 
the United States, against England. Benjamin 
Franklin had joined Mr. Deane at Paris, with more 
definite instructions, and both, though not publicly ac- 
knowledged, were yet secretly received by the king; 
and while they were assured of his approval of the 
revolution, they also had reason to believe that he 
would soon openly espouse it. The king was on the 
point of an official proclamation of the Independence 
of the thirteen colonies, and just ready to unsheath the 
sword in their behalf, when their sudden misfortunes 
reached his ear. He paused awhile to wait the issue of 
the fearful crisis. The aspect of affairs in the new 
world was indeed gloomy. The battle of Brooklyn 
had been fought, resulting in the total rout of the 



12 LIFE OF GENERAL 

continental forces, and the evacuation of Long Island. 
"New York, after a desperate resistance, had been 
given up to the British. General Howe was master 
of Forts Washington and Lee. The heroic army was 
fast becoming disbanded ; the militia throwing down 
their arms, and returning home in despair. General 
Washington with the remnant who remained, ill 
clothed and scantily fed, was retreating before the 
British, through a desponding country. So dark 
were the prospects, that the American commissioners 
at Paris ceased for a time from their representations 
to the king, and even urged Lafayette to abandon his 
project of enlisting in their service. They told him 
that the late unhappy news had so deranged their 
affairs, that they could not now offer him even a 
passage to America, nor assure him of any ground 
of success should he be able to go. They had, how- 
ever, mistaken their man. Lafayette was not yet 
known. With a generosity which has no parallel, he 
replied to their attempts to dissuade him from the 
enterprise, by assuring them that if their country 
was indeed reduced to such an extremity, that was 
the very hour when his embarking to join her armies 
would render the most essential aid. " I thank you 
for your frankness," said he, " but now is precisely 
the moment to serve your cause ; the more people 
are discouraged, the greater utility will result from 
my departure. Until now you have only seen my 
ardor in your cause, but that may not prove at present 
wholly useless. If you cannot furnish me with a 
vessel, I will purchase one and freight it at my own 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 13 

expense, to convey your despatches and my person to 
the shores of America." 

Neither of the three * commissioners was prepared 
for this noble offer. They had supposed that the 
Marquis, in common with others who had gone from 
Europe to enlist in the American struggle, was ac- 
tuated more by youthful impulses and a passion for 
adventure or military glory, than by any genuine 
sympathy with an oppressed people panting for free- 
dom. But a romantic zeal, or love of excitement, 
would have given way before the difficulties which 
now tried the spirit of Lafayette. With unbending 
resolution he instantly set himself at work, to carry 
out his proposal. From his own estates he raised the 
money necessary for the expedition, and without 
delay prepared to purchase and equip a vessel for his 
use. His preparations were necessarily matured 
with the utmost privacy, so as to escape the vigilance 
of his domestic circle, the French government, and 
English spies. He was constantly under the espion- 
age of his own and a foreign government, but the 
same calm forethought which he afterwards displayed 
upon the field of battle, was manifested during the 
progress of this, his conflict with unseen foes. With 
heroic fortitude he pressed on, surmounting each ob- 
stacle as it arose, looking as tranquilly upon the diffi- 
culties that environed him at home, -and the dangers 
awaiting him abroad, as one would gaze upon the 
quiet sea, or watch the bright clouds as they wan- 
dered over a summer sky, 

•Arthur Lee was the third commissioner. 



14 LIFE OF GENERAL 

To his wife, whom he tenderly loved, Lafayette 
revealed nothing of his plans. He knew perfectly 
her affection, and that the delicate situation in which 
she was placed would increase her unwillingness to 
bear the separation. To escape her knowledge and 
the surveillance of royalty, his ship was purchased 
and preparations made for his departure through his 
friend Mr. Duboismartin, the secretary of the Count 
de Broglie. Lafayette controlled every thing, but 
the secretary was the visible channel through which 
all his directions flowed. 

In the midst of his preparations, the French gov- 
ernment wished to send Lafayette on a diplomatic 
mission to London. His associate was the Prince 
de Poix, and though the journey, occurring at this 
time, was eminently distasteful to him, he was aware 
that it would only excite suspicion to refuse, and 
accordingly submitted to the journey with as much 
suavity as he could command. Dr. Franklin, who 
clearly saw the difficulties which the Marquis would 
encounter, should his contemplated sailing for Amer- 
ica become known to the government, advised his 
visit to London, in the hope that this would divert the 
inquiries which he knew were constantly and busily 
made in reference to all his operations. 

More from this consideration than any other, La- 
fayette went. His rank gained him attention at once, 
at the court of St. James; but on reaching London, 
before paying his respects to the British Majesty, he 
sought an interview with Bancroft, the American. 
The distinction with which he was received by the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 15 

nobility, and his flattering reception at court, did not 
change his sentiments at all respecting the struggle 
between England and her colonies. His design of 
enlisting personally in the strife was concealed, but 
his opinions were openly avowed. His stay in Lon- 
don was short, for his restless spirit was anxious to 
get back to Paris and superintend his movements 
there. " At the end of three weeks," he writes, 
*^ when it became necessary for me to return home, 
while refusing to accompany my uncle, the ambassa- 
dor to court, I confided to him my strong desire to 
take a trip to Paris. He proposed saying that I was 
ill during my absence. I should not have made use 
of this stratagem myself, but did not object to his 
doing so." 

Hastening back thus early to the capital, conceal- 
ment was necessary, lest his sudden return should 
give rise to unwelcome suspicions. Repairing to the 
house of the Baron de Kalb, he spent three days in 
secret interviews with Americans and a few other 
friends, in whom he could confide. The confinement 
and the restraint under which he felt himself placed 
in these circumstances, were irksome to his bold and 
frank nature which preferred to work at daylight in 
the very face of danger. Through one of his agents, 
a ship had been bought, and was now in process of 
equipment for him at Bordeaux. Unwilling to trust 
the whole management of it to others, and anxious to 
see the progress made, he hastily left Paris and set 
out for that city. His scheme, however, began to be 
known. It was impossible that the extensive outfit 



16 LIFE OF GENERAL 

which he was actively making, should for a long time 
escape the observation of spies with whom he was 
surrounded. It is certain that information was com- 
municated to the court of Versailles, and representa- 
tions made to the king, which led to an order for the 
arrest of Lafayette, soon after he had reached Bor- 
deaux. Tidings of this were at once communicated 
to the Marquis, and, flying from France to Spain, he 
resolved to complete his arrangements at Passage,* 
and to embark for America from that port. Disguise 
was now at an end. He openly avowed his inten- 
tions, as well as his purpose that no mortal power 
should prevent their accomplishment. 

At Passage his firmness was put to the severest 
test. Letters arrived from his family, which were 
not only urgent in their entreaties for him to remain, 
but violent in their denunciations of his project. He 
was reproached for his want of parental care, and 
even taunted for faithlessness to her whom he had 
sworn to love. Letters came, under kingly authority, 
peremptorily forbidding his embarkation for the new 
world. Louis signified his highest displeasure should 
he disobey this order; and Lafayette well knew the 
meaning of the threat. Disobedience to the com- 
mands of his sovereign was, for one in his position, 
no trivial affair. It made him liable to the confisca- 
tion of all his immense estates, and subjected him to 
outlawry and disgrace. Should he persevere, he 
might land on a foreign shore penniless and forsaken, 
under a monarch's frown, and with nothing but his 
* A Spanish port. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 17 

sword to aid the cause which he had so zealously es- 
poused. Nothing, however, could daunt him, or 
change his indomitable will. Feigning obedience, 
for the purpose of seeking a more favorable oppor- 
tunity for weighing anchor, he returned to Bordeaux, 
and wrote to the ministry, asking leave to consum- 
mate his plans. He frankly owned their nature and 
design, but plead as a reason why he should be allowed 
to go, the benefit which would accrue to France could 
the pride of England be humbled by wresting the 
transatlantic possessions from her hand. Cogent as 
these reasons were, and deeply as they were felt, the 
king was not then willing to afford the slightest um- 
brage to his powerful rival, and accordingly the pe- 
tition of Lafayette was refused. This he learned 
through a friend, as no direct answer was ever sent- 
At Bordeaux he received orders to proceed to Mar- 
seilles and join himself to the Duke d'Ayen who was 
going into Italy. 

Upon pretence of obeying he set off from Bor- 
deaux ; but instead of taking the road to Marseilles, 
passed directly southward to Bayonne. His steps 
were closely watched, and before he had proceeded 
many hours, he found that pursuers were on the track. 
Changing his dress for that of a courier, and con- 
cealing himself in a stable while the coach in which 
he was traveling stopped at Bayonne, he hoped to 
elude detection. He had the start of the messengers, 
and could easily distance them. At St. Jean de Luz, 
a village near the boundary line of France and Spain, 
he was recognized by one who observed him while on 
2 



18 LIFE OF GENERAL 

his previous tour from Passage to Bordeaux. It was 
a womaUj however, and a single sign from Lafayette 
for her to keep silent, made the secret safe. He 
reached Passage in safety, found his vessel in readi- 
ness, and March 26th, 1777, with sails outspread, the 
prow of his gallant Victory was turned toward the 
strand hallowed by the footsteps of freedom. 

By way of signifying his disapprobation, Louis 
XVL immediately granted permission to a Major 
General in the French army,* to offer his services to 
the king of Great Britain to assist in subduing his 
rebellious subjects. Despatches were instantly sent 
to the national forces at the West Indies to arrest 
Lafayette, should his vessel, as was expected, stop 
there on its way. The sagacity of the Marquis was, 
however, equal to the emergency. Suspecting that 
he might be detained should he touch at the Islands, 
as soon as he got fairly to sea he ordered the captain 
to steer directly for the American coast. This officer 
at first refused, but the Marquis was peremptory and 
the course of the vessel was accordingly changed. 
The voyage was long and tedious. The ship was 
heavy, and its slow sailing and rolling motion soon 
added sea sickness to the trials of the young soldier. 
Recovering, he addressed the following letter to his 
wife, which, as it breathes the language of affection, 
will be interesting to the reader : 

" On board the Victory, May 30, 1777. 

* * " How many fears and anxieties enhance 
the keen anguish I feel at being separated from all 
*The Count de Bulkely. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 19 

that I love most fondly in the world ! How have you 
borne my second departure? Have you loved me 
less ? Have you pardoned me ? Have you reflected 
that, at all events, I must equally have been parted 
from you — wandering about in Italy, dragging on an 
inglorious life, surrounded by the persons most op- 
posed to my projects and to my manner of thinking ? 
All these reflections, did not prevent me from exper- 
iencing the most bitter grief when the moment arrived 
for quitting my native shore. Your sorrow, and that 
of my friends, all rushed upon my thoughts, and my 
heart was torn by a thousand painful feelings. I 
could not, at that instant, find any excuse for my 
own conduct. If you could know all that I have suf- 
fered, and the melancholy days that I have passed, 
while thus flying from all that I love best in the 
world ! Must I join to this affliction the grief of 
hearing that you do not pardon me ? I should, in 
truth, my love, be too unhappy." 

His ardor for liberty, is well exemplified in the 
following extract from another letter, dated 

" On board the Victory, June 7th, [1T77.] 

" I am still floating upon this dreary plain, the 
most wearisome of all human habitations. To console 
myself a little, I think of you and of my friends. I 
think of the pleasure of seeing you again. How de- 
lightful will be the moment of my arrival ! I shall 
hasten to surprise and embrace you. I shall, per- 
haps, find you with your children. To think, only, 
of that happy moment is an inexpressible pleasure to 
me J — do not fancy that it is distant; — although the 



20 LIFE OF GENERAL 

time of my absence will appear, I own, very long to 
me, yet, we shall meet sooner than you can expect. 
While defending the liberty I adore, I shall enjoy 
perfect freedom myself; I but offer my services to 
that interesting Republic from motives of the purest 
kind, unmixed with ambition or private views ; her 
happiness and my glory are my only incentives to the 
task. I hope, that for my sake, you will become a 
good American, for that feeling is worthy of every 
noble heart. The happiness of America is intimately 
connected with the happiness of all mankind. She 
will become the safe and respected asylum of virtue, 
integrity, toleration, equality, and tranquil happi- 
ness." 

After a tedious voyage of almost two months in 
duration, the Victory came in sight of the American 
shores. A thrill of unspeakable emotion passed over 
the frame of the heroic stranger, as the long, low, 
sand-plains of the eastern coast of South Carolina, 
spread away before his vision. This was the land, 
towards which all the earnest yearnings of his soul 
had gone forth ; over which hung his most radiant 
hopes and anticipations. He landed at Winyau Bay, 
about sixty miles northeast from Charleston, on the 
14th of June, 1777. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 21 



CHAPTER II. 

Lafayette and the Baron de Kalb, who accom- 
panied him, stepping on liberty's soil mutually swore 
to conquer, or die in the contest upon which they 
were entering. It was midnight when the canoe, 
which had conveyed them from the ship to the land- 
ing place up the bay, rested on the silent beach. 
The Marquis was in high spirits, now that he was 
fairly across the monotonous sea ; and he could look 
confidently forward to the fruition of his hopes. 
Beneath that midnight sky, with the stars looking 
calmly down upon him, and the land he had come 
to defend slumbering at his feet, the patriotic self- 
devotion of the young adventurer was a romantic and 
beautiful beginning of a brilliant career. At the 
house of Major Benjamin Huger * he met with a 
hearty welcome, and received all the attention which 
generous hospitality, and a due appreciation of his 
magnanimity could bestow. Lafayette was charmed 
with every thing that he saw about him. " The 
novelty of all that surrounded him the next morning 
when he awoke — the room, the bed covered with 
mosquito nets, the black servants who came to ask 

*This officer fell, covered with wounds, during Provost's 
invasion. [See page 324.] 



22 LiFIi OF GENERAL 

his commaiids, tlie beauty and foreign aspect of the 
country which he beheld from his windows, and 
which was covered with a rich vegetation, all united 
to produce on his mind a magical effect, and excite in 
him a variety of inexpressible emotions." 

Remaining but a short time amid the pleasures of 
this attractive retreat, he set out for Charleston, to 
make arrangements for the return of his vessel to 
France, before he should go northward to Philadel- 
phia. He here met with General Moultrie, and was 
so delighted with his recent gallant defence of the 
fort on Sullivan's island, that he at once presented 
him with clothing, arms, and accoutrements, for one 
hundred men, From Charleston he writes to his 
wife, dated June 19th. 

'' I landed at Charleston, after having sailed for 
several days along a coast swarming with hostile ves- 
sels. On my arrival here, every one told me that 
my ship must undoubtedly be taken, because two 
English frigates had blockaded the harbor. I even 
sent, both by land and by sea, orders to the captain 
to put the men on shore, and burn the vessel, if he 
had still the power of doing so. Eh hienf by a most 
extraordinary piece of good fortune, a sudden gale of 
wind having blown away the frigates for a short time, 
my vessel arrived at noon-day without having encoun- 
tered friend or foe. At Charleston I have met with 
General Howe, a general officer, now engaged in ser- 
vice. The governor of the state is expected this even- 
ing from the country. All the persons with whom I 
wished to be acquainted, have shown me the greatest 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 23 

attention and politeness, (not European politeness 
merely.) I can only feel gratitude for the reception 
I have met with, although I have not yet thought 
proper to enter into any detail respecting my future 
prospects and arrangements. I wish to see the Con- 
gress first. I hope to set out in two days for Phila- 
delphia, which is a land journey of more than two 
hundred and fifty leagues. We shall divide into 
small parties. I have already purchased horses and 
light carriages for this purpose. 

" I shall now speak to you, my love, about the 
country and its inhabitants, who are as agreeable as 
my enthusiasm had led me to imagine. Simplicity 
of manner, kindness of heart, love of country and of 
liberty, and a delightful state of equality, are met 
with universall3\ The richest and the poorest man 
are completely on a level; and although there are 
some immense fortunes in this country, I may chal- 
lenge any one to point out the slightest difference in 
their respective manner toward each other. I first 
saw and judged of a country life at Major Huger'a 
house. I am at present in this city, where every 
thing somewhat resembles the English customs, ex- 
cept that you find more simplicity here than in Eng- 
land. Charleston is one of the best built, handsom- 
est, and most agTeeable cities that I have ever seen. 
The American women are very pretty, and have great 
simplicity of character. The extreme neatness of 
their appearance is truly delightful. Cleanliness is 
every where even more studiously attended to here 
than in England. What gave me most pleasure is to 



24 LIFE OF GENERAL 

see how completely the citizens are all brethren of 
one family. In America there are none poor, and 
none even that can be called peasants. Jlach citizen 
has some property, and all citizens have the same 
rights as the richest individual or landed proprietor in 
the country. The inns are very different from those 
in Europe; the host and hostess sit at the table with 
you, and do the honors of a comfortable meal, and 
when you depart, you pay your bill without being 
obliged to tax it. If you should dislike going to inns, 
you may always find country houses, in which you 
will be received, as a good American, with the same 
attention that you might expect to find at a friend's 
house in Europe. 

" My own reception has been most peculiarly agree- 
able. To have been merely my traveling companion 
suffices to secure the kindest welcome. I have just 
passed five hours at a large dinner, given in compli- 
ment to me by an individual of this town. Generals 
Howe and Moultrie, and several officers of my suite, 
were present. We drank each other's health, and en- 
deavored to talk English, which I am beginning to 
speak a little. I shall pay a visit to-morrow, with 
these gentlemen, to the governor of the state, and 
make the last arrangements for my departure. The 
next day, the commanding officer here will take me to 
see the town and its environs, and I shall then set out 
to join the army. 

" From the agreeable life I lead in this country, 
from the sympathy which makes me feel as much at 
ease with the inhabitants as if I had known them 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 25 

twenty years, the similarity between their manner of 
thinking and my own, my love of glory and of liberty, 
you might imagine that I am very happy ; but you are 
not with me, my dearest love ; my friends are not with 
me ; and there is no happiness for me when far from 
you and them. I often ask you if 3^ou still love ; but 
1 put that question still more often to myself, and my 
heart ever answers yes ; — I trust that my heart does 
not deceive me. I am inexpressibly anxious to hear 
from you, and hope to find some letters at Philadel- 
phia. My only fear is, lest the privateer which was 
to bring them to me, may have been captured on her 
way. Although, I can easily imagine that I have ex- 
cited the special displeasure of the English, by taking 
the liberty of coming hither in spite of them, and 
landing before their very face, yet, I must confess 
that we shall be even more than on a par if they have 
succeeded in catching that vessel, the object of my 
fondest hopes, by which I am expecting to receive 
your letters. I entreat you to send me both long and 
frequent letters. You are not sufficiently conscious 
of the joy with which I shall receive them. Em- 
brace, most tenderl}^, my Henriette ; may I add, em- 
brace our children ! The father of those poor chil- 
dren is a wanderer, but he is, nevertheless, a good, 
honest man — a good father, warmly attached to his 
fr.mily, and a good husband, also, for he loves his 
wife most tenderly. The night is far advanced, the 
heat intense, and I am devoured by gnats ; but the best 
countries, as you perceive, have their inconveniences. 
Adieu, my love, adieu." 



26 LIFE OF GENERAL 

As soon as practicable, leaving Charleston, Lafay- 
ette was on bis way to Philadelphia. The travel was 
exhausting, though he hardly knew it in the fine ex- 
citement his enterprise awakened. In our clay, rail- 
roads and steam boats make this passage a pleasant 
excursion. Then, the roads were new and bad, the 
weather often unfavorable, and every outward cir- 
cumstance contributed to make the journey toilsome 
and discouraging. In a letter to his wife, written at 
Petersburgh, Va., July 17th, 1777, he says : — '• I am 
now eight days' journey from Philadelphia, in the 
beautiful state of Virginia. All fatigue is over, and 
I fear that my martial labors will be very light if it 
be true that General Howe has left ISTew York, to go, 
I know not whither. But all the accounts I receive 
are so uncertain, that I cannot form any fixed opin- 
ion until I reach my destination. 

" You must have learned the particulars of the 
commencement of my journey. You know that I set 
out in a brilliant manner, in a carriage, and I must 
now tell you that we are all on horseback — having 
broken the carriage according to my usual praise- 
worthy custom — and I hope soon to write to you that 
we have arrived on foot. The journey is somewhat 
fatiguing ; but, although several of my comrades have 
suffered a great deal, I, myself, have scarcely been 
conscious of fatigue. The captain who takes charge 
of this letter will, perhaps, pay you a visit. I beg 
you, in that case, to receive him Avith great kindness. 

" The farther I advance to the north, the better 
pleased am I with the country and its inhabitants. 



Marquis de lafayette. 2Y 

There is no attention or kindness that I do not re- 
ceive, although many scarcely know who I am. But 
I will write all this to you more in detail from Phila- 
delphia." 

Congress was now in session at Philadelphia ; and 
immediately upon his arrival, Lafayette presented 
himself before it. The time was in many respects 
inauspicious. A crowd of foreign adventurers who 
had made the same stipulations with Mr. Deane as 
himself, had recently been importuning that body to 
fulfill the agreements which their minister at Paris 
had rashly made. Many of those whom Mr. Deane 
had sent over came simply to follow their profession, 
without the slightest regard to the right of the cause 
in which they were to take up arms. It was with 
them, simply a quid pro quo. They gave a certain 
amount of service, for which they were to receive a 
certain amount of pay, and degree of rank in the 
army. Congress thus embarrassed from the numer- 
ous applications already received, was unprepared for 
farther solicitation. Much dissatisfaction was felt 
towards Mr. Deane for encouraging expectations 
which could not be realized. Many American offi- 
cers began to express discontent at seeing themselves 
suddenly superseded in rank by their foreign allies. 
So many were the complaints, and manifold the diffi- 
culties, that the legislative assembly had almost come 
to the determination not to receive farther requests of 
the kind ; and when Lafayette appeared he was 
treated with coolness, which amounted well nigh to 
neglect. The young Marquis, who had been hailed 



28 LIFE OF GENERAL 

with joy upon his arrival, and treated with un- 
bounded respect until now, could not have anticipated 
a change so marked, and undesignedly cruel. Here 
was displa^'ed anew that moral heroism, which shone 
in every hour of trial. Having laid his stipulations 
with Mr. Deane before Congress, with the confidence 
of unsullied motives, he learned from the Chairman 
of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, that owing to 
such circumstances as we have detailed above, there 
was little hope that his request would be granted. 
Seizing a pen, he immediately dictated to Congress 
the following brief but meaning note : 

" After the sacrifices I have made, I have a right 
to exact two favors: — one is, to serve at my own ex- 
pense — the other is, to serve as a volunteer." 

Such a note, in beautiful contrast with the proud 
demands of many who had lately claimed appoint- 
ments, was an affecting surprise. It disclosed the 
man — assured them he was a benefactor, whose offers 
should not be lightly esteemed. They soon learned 
his worth, and, with astonishment, the generous sacri- 
fices he had made. Accordingly, upon the 31st of 
July, 1777, they passed the following preamble and 
resolution : 

" Whereas, The Marquis de Lafayette, out of his 
great zeal in the cause of liberty in which the United 
States are engaged, has left his family and connec- 
tions, and, at his own expense, come over to offer his 
service to the United States, without pension or par- 
ticular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our 
cause : 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 29 

" Resolved, That his services be accepted, and 
that in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family 
and connections, he have the rank and commission of 
a Major-General in the army of the United States." 

On the 1st of August, Lafayette was presented to 
Washington. The tide of war seemed now to be 
moving towards Philadelphia, and the Commander- 
in-Chief had left Germantown, that he might place 
the city in a posture of defence. The majestic fig- 
ure, the noble deportment and affability of manners 
which characterized Washington, won the whole soul 
of Lafayette. A kindred chord seemed to vibrate in 
each heart, as for the first time they met, and ex- 
changed their salutations. Lafayette felt an un- 
bounded veneration, while he stood in the presence of 
THE MAN OF THE AGE. Washington's sympathies 
were drawn instantly and intensely towards the young 
hero, whose whole being was swayed by an impulse 
and purpose similar to his own. There was, in a 
sublime sense, a mutual recognition; and around the 
willing hearts of both was woven then, that tie of 
friendship which afterwards became a band, that 
death only could sever. It was a dinner party that 
opened this acquaintance. " When the company 
were about to separate, Washington took Lafayette 
aisde, spoke to him very kindly, complimented him on 
the noble spirit he had shown, and the sacrifices he 
had made in favor of the American cause, and then 
told him, that he should be pleased if he would make 
the head quarters of the Commander-in-Chief his 
home, establish himself there whenever he thought 



30 LIFE OF GENERAL 

proper, and consider himself at all times as one of 
his family; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he 
conld not promise him the luxuries of a court, or even 
the conveniences which his former habits might have 
rendered essential to comfort; — but since he had be- 
come an American soldier, he vrould doubtless con- 
trive to accommodate himself to the character he had 
assumed, and submit with a good grace to the cus- 
toms, manners and privations of the republican 
army." This invitation was accepted with eagerness 
by the Marquis, and was never afterwards revoked 
by the Commander-in-Chief. Lafayette placed him- 
self under his care and tuition, and owned himself 
the adopted son of \Yashington. With all the iire of 
youth, and all the enthusiasm of his nature, he at- 
tached himself to the unrivaled chieftain. 

It was now a critical period in the revolutionary 
movement. Disasters had been numerous, and victor- 
ies few ; many, who at the beginning, met firmly the 
shock of the foe, were becoming disheartened and 
despairing. Discontent in open murmurs spread 
through the camp, and the half-clad and famished 
militia, in great numbers, disbanding, returned to 
their homes. The brilliant success at Trenton had 
revived for a while the drooping courage of the na- 
tion, but that was followed by deeper depression. 
The British forces were mustering with renewed 
energy for a decisive onset, anticipating in the pres- 
ent campaign a consummation of their work — and, 
with the stars and stripes trailing in the dust, they 
confidently hoped to see their royal standard waving 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. gj 

over a submissive people. The cantonments of the 
main body of the English host, while in winter quar- 
ters, stretched in a vast chain from the river Raritan 
on the North, to the banks of the Delaware on the 
South. Rhode Island had yielded with little oppo- 
sition. A strong detachment under the savage 
Tryon, had overrun with a terrifically desolating 
march, the whole southern section of Connecticut. 
New York city and Long Island were conquered, and 
among the spoils of the exulting enemy. In addi- 
tion, many distinguished citizens of Pennsylvania 
and the Jerseys, had made overtures for a voluntary 
submission. A- panic consequently was felt through- 
out the country, and the beacon light of freedom 
shone with a fading and uncertain radiance upon the 
troubled deep of oppressed humanity. For hardly 
a station which the Americans occupied, from Ticon- 
deroga to Charleston, was free from peril. But the 
most appalling danger was the jealousies and ma- 
chinations against the Commander-in-Chief. A 
strong faction was forming ; the envy and hate which 
are always cherished by little souls against the great, 
were burning towards him. Gates was plotting for 
the supreme command, and as it afterwards tran- 
spired, there were many in his interest of those who 
had high rank, both in the army and in the state. Of 
all these difficulties Lafayette gradually became 
aware, but looked upon them calmly and undismayed. 
That America shall conquer, and Washington rise 
proudly above conspiracy, was a faith that never wa- 



32 LIFE OF GENERAL 

vered, amid the thickest perils with which he was af- 
terwards environed. 

JSTo apprehensions being entertained of an imme- 
diate attack on Philadelphia, Washington took La- 
fayette with him to the camp. The General soon 
found in his young protege a hero of no ordinary 
stamina. His generous devotion, the wisdom and 
scope of his plans, became daily more apparent. The 
commission which he had received from Congress 
was, as yet, only an honorary one, conferring upon 
him no real command. This was a source of much 
embarrassment to Washington, as well as to the Mar- 
quis. Lafayette felt that he was young and inex- 
perienced, and had not the boldness to ask outright to 
be invested with the active duties of his commission, 
but while stating his incapabilities to Washington, he 
at the same time took occasion to hint that as soon as 
he should be deemed fit for the command of a di- 
vision, he would be ready to enter upon the duties of 
it. Washington accordingly wrote to Congress upon 
the subject, but received in return the intelligence, 
that the commission given to the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette, was only honorary, and that he could not yet 
receive an appointment. He manifested no dis- 
pleasure at this result, but patiently waited for the 
time, when he could earn his rank, and claim it by 
virtue of his own services. 

On the 11th of September, 17Y7, was fought the 
battle of Brandywine. The British fleet under Sir 
William Howe, whose movements along the American 
coast, at one time seeming to threaten Philadelphia, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 33 

and at another appearing to meditate an attack upon 
Charleston, had caused much apprehension and doubt, 
had, at last, entered the Chesapeake ; and, having pro- 
ceeded up the Elk river as far as it was safely navi- 
gable, landed the forces at the ferry on the 25th of 
August. The determination of an assault upon Phil- 
adelphia was no longer questionable. The same 
army had in vain attempted to reach the cit}'' by land 
across the Jerseys, a few months before. With eigh- 
teen thousand men, in good health and spirits, admir- 
ably supplied with all the implements of war, and led 
on by the ablest officers, the hopes of the invading 
army were high of a splendid victory. The day be- 
fore Sir William Howe landed, General Washington, 
to inspire the citizens with confidence, paraded his 
troops through the streets of Philadelphia, and then 
proceeded boldly to the Brandywine. The popular 
clamor, favored by the voice of Congress, demanded a 
battle, and he determined to risk one, though with- 
out many probabilities on which his judgment could 
base a hope of success. With not over eleven thou- 
sand troops, and these miserably clothed and fed, with 
their spirits depressed by the recent calamities and 
present darkening prospects, Washington greatly ap- 
prehended that he could not successfully compete with 
the strength of the battalions marching against him. 
The wisdom of his course, when viewed in the light in 
which it should be regarded, is, however, unquestion- 
able. In the present condition of affairs, defeat waa 
better than inaction. A battle was demanded by the 
public feeling, and, though disastrous, would be less 
3 



34 LIFE OF GENERAL 

injurious than to suffer the enemy to advance to Phil- 
adelphia without opposition. 

Washington, having halted for a few days on the 
banks of the Brandywine, to refresh his troops, and 
get a better knowledge of the face of the country and 
the plans of the enemy, sent forward two divisions un- 
der Greene and Stephen, who proceeded nearer to the 
head of the Elk, and encamped behind White Clay 
Creek. Three miles farther on, at Iron Hill, was 
stationed General Maxwell, at the head of an effective 
corps of light infantry, formed from a regiment of 
Morgan's riflemen, which had been detached to the 
northern army. Posting the cavalry along the lines, 
Washington, with the main body, crossed the Brandy- 
wine, and took up his position behind Red Clay 
Creek, on the road which Sir William Howe would 
have to traverse on his march to Philadelphia. La- 
fayette was with him, and watched with the liveliest 
interest, the preparations for the approaching con- 
test. These were made with consummate adroitness 
and prudence (but Sir William Howe was no common 
foe ; and the direction which he seemed contemplating 
for his vastl}^ superior force, decided Washington that 
a change of his own position was necessary. A coun- 
cil of war was held on the night of the 9th of Septem- 
ber, when it was determined to retire behind the 
Brandywine, and meet the enemy near Chadd's Ford, 
from the heights which ranged along upon the op- 
posite side of the river. Lafayette says in one of his 
papers, that a letter from Congress had secured this 
position, although it had hardly been examined by the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 85 

jimerican troops. It was in many respects favor- 
able, though the difficulty and ineligibility of under- 
taking to dispute the passage of a river by fronting 
the enemy on the opposite side, has been generally 
insisted upon by writers on the art of war.* Foreign- 
ers have blamed Washington for taking this ground, 
and engaging in battle with his small army. Their 
error consists not that they misapply their military 
tactics, but that they do not rightly judge of the cir- 
cumstances under which Washington was placed. 
Congress required that the enemy should be fought, 
and the country could not have been satisfied without 
a conflict. 

On the morning of the 11th of September, soon 
after daybreak, Lafayette sprang to his feet at the 
intelligence that the whole British army was in mo- 
tion, and advancing towards them on the direct road 
leading over Chadd's Ford. General Maxwell had 
been advantageously stationed, so that he could com- 
mand this road from the hills, on the south side of 
the river; and the first action accordingly began 
with him. The foe advanced in two magnificent col- 
umns, the right commanded by General Knyphausen, 

*The Marquis de Feuquiere says: "It is impossible to 
guard the shores of a river when the ground to be guarded is 
of a great extent, because the assailant, pointing his efforts 
to several places, for tiie purpose of separating the forces of 
his adversary, and to draw liis attention to spots very distant 
from each other, at length determining to make his effort at 
the point where he finds tlie least ability to resist, always 
prevails over tlie labors and vigilance of his enemy, more 
especially when he employs the night for the execution of his 
enterprise, that being most favorable for concealing the place 
of his principal effort," 



36 LIFE OF GENERAL 

and the left by Lord Cornwallis. The plan of Howe 
was, that Knyphausen's division should occupy the 
attention of the Americans, by making repeated feints 
of attempting the passage of the ford, while Cornwal- 
lis should make a long sweep up the river, and cross it 
at Birmingham. Knyphausen accordingly advanced 
with his column, and speedily dislodging General 
Maxwell from his post, forced him to cross over, 
though with but little loss. A furious cannonading 
was instantly begun, and other demonstrations made, 
which indicated the intention of the British immedi- 
ately to attempt the passage of the Ford. The day 
was occupied in preventing this, till eleven o'clock in 
the morning, when the movement of Cornwallis was 
first announced to Washington. A smile of delight 
played upon his countenance, and he immediately de- 
term.ined upon one of those bold, but judicious plans, 
for which he was remarkable. Placing himself at 
the head of the center and left wing of the army, he 
resolved to cross the river in person, and overwhelm 
Knyphausen before Cornwallis could be summoned 
back to his aid. His ranks were already formed for 
the passage, and his troops had answered to the prop- 
osition with deafening shouts, when a messenger ar- 
rived with the intelligence, that Cornwallis had only 
made a feint of crossing the fords above, and was now 
actually bringing his division down the southern side 
of the river, to reunite with Knyphausen, The tid- 
ings were agony to Washington ; though false, they 
came in a form which constrained him to believe them 
true, and his bold project was accordingly abandoned. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. gf 

His troops were impatient for the encounter, but for 
two hours be could only give them quiet directions, 
while he endeavored, in distressing suspense, to gain 
some clue to the movements of the enemy on the op- 
posite side. At about two o'clock in the afternoon, 
his uncertainty was removed, when the certain intel- 
ligence reached him, that Lord Cornwallis, after hav- 
ing made a circuit of nearly seventeen miles, had 
forded the river above its forks, and, accompanied by 
Sir William Howe, was advancing upon him. Close 
action was immediately prepared for, and all along 
the American lines ran the accents of welcome for the 
conflict. The three divisions which formed the right 
wing, under Generals Sullivan, Stirling, and Ste- 
phens, were detached, and, moving up the Brandy- 
wine, fronted the British column marching down the 
river. Selecting an advantageous piece of ground 
near Birmingham, with the river on their left, and, 
having both flanks covered by a thick wood, they 
hastily formed, and awaited the attack. 

Lafayette, who had kept by the side of Washington 
during these scenes, and marked them with absorbing 
interest, soon saw that the divisions designed to meet 
Cornwallis, were to receive most of the heavy blows 
of that day's battle, and petitioned and obtained per- 
mission to join them. A burst of enthusiasm greeted 
his arrival, as he threw himself into the midst of 
the troops, eagerly w^aiting the approach of the foe. 
The opportunity which he sought was not wanting 
long. The host was visible, sweeping in grand and 
imposing array over the plain before them. When 



38 LIFE OF GENERAL 

he saw the enemy, Lord Cornwallis formed in the 
finest order, and hastening forward, his first line 
opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery upon 
them. It was about half past four when the battle 
began. The Americans returned the fire with great 
injury, but the impetuosity with which the English 
and Hessian troops threw themselves upon their 
ranks, was more than they could withstand. For a 
time, both parties fought with unparalleled bravery, 
and the carnage was terrible. Above the shrill notes 
of " death's music," and louder than the roar of com- 
bat, rose the wild shout of living men. The madden- 
ing exultation and the groans, terrible imprecations 
and shrieks of the fallen in their last anguish, were 
mingled in a horrid chorus, which might have made 
angels grieve, and the Demon of War ashamed of his 
work. For some time it was a doubtful struggle, but 
the fiery emulation which stimulated the English and 
Hessians, at last compelled the Americans to give 
way before them. The right wing first yielded, then 
the left, while the central division, where Lafayette 
was bravely fighting, was the last to breast the storm, 
which now concentrating its strength, spent its fury 
upon those devoted ranks. Firm as a rock amid the 
waves of ocean, they bore themselves proudly against 
the tide of victory, which rolled in fearfully upon 
them. By a skillful manoeuvre, Cornwallis had man- 
aged to separate them from the two wings, when de- 
feat became inevitable. The whole fire of the enemy 
was united against it, and the confusion became ex- 
treme. The troops at first wavered, then rallied, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 39 

then wavered again, and at last fell into a disorderly 
retreat. In vain Lafayette endeavored to check it. 
Defying danger, he stood almost single handed 
against the on-coming host, and endeavored to reani- 
mate his flying comrades by his own example. It 
was all fruitless. A ball struck him, and, as he fell, 
those remaining on the field gave way. Gimat, aid- 
de-camp to the Marquis, assisted his master in get- 
ting upon a horse, and though the blood was flowing 
profusely from his wound, Lafayette reluctantly 
turned and joined the fugitives. General Washing- 
ton at this moment arrived with fresh troops, upon 
the field. Greene's divisions had marched four miles 
in forty-tivo minutes, but were too late to avert the 
disasters of the day. Lafayette, as soon as he saw 
Washington, started to join him, but loss of blood 
obliged him to stop and have his wound bandaged. 
While submitting to this, a band of soldiers came 
upon him so suddenly, that he had barely time to re- 
mount for flight, escaping as by a miracle the shower 
of bullets which whistled around his form. 

A general rout resulted. The road to Chester was 
crowded with the retreating. Knyphausen had 
forced the passage of Chadd's Ford, notwithstanding 
the obstinate resistance of Generals Wayne and Max- 
well, who had been left to defend it. Washington 
found that all that could be done Avas to stay the pur- 
suit. So successful were his efforts, and those of 
General Greene, that as night approached. Sir Wil- 
liam Howe called in his troops and gave over the 
chase. Lafayette was unwearied in his endeavors to 



40 LIFE OF GENERAL 

save the army. Forgetting himself, his wound, and 
every thing but this one object, he exerted himself to 
the utmost, amid the darkness and dreadful confu- 
sion of that night, to restore order among the fleeing 
and despairing soldiery. At Chester Bridge, twelve 
miles from the scene of battle, he was in part success- 
ful. The Generals and the Commander-in-chief ar- 
rived, and Lafayette, at last fainting from loss of 
blood and excessive fatigue, was borne away to receive 
the attention which his situation demanded. 

Lafayette was conveyed by water the next day to 
Philadelphia, while the army moved forward by land. 
As soon as he reached the city he sat down and wrote 
the following to her, who, next to liberty, was the 
dearest idol of his heart. Dating his letter, Phila- 
delphia, Sept. 12th, he says : 

" I must begin by telling you that I am perfectly 
well, because I must end by telling you that we fought 
seriously last night, and that we were not the stronger 
party on the field of battle. Our Americans, after 
having stood their ground for some time, ended at 
length by being routed. While endeavoring to rally 
them, the English honored me with a musket ball, 
which slightly wounded me in the leg, but it is a trifle, 
my dearest love; the ball touched neither bone nor 
nerve, and I have escaped with the obligation of lying 
upon my back for some time, which puts me much ou t 
of humor. I hope you will feel no anxiety. This 
event ought, on the contrary, rather to re-assure you, 
since I am incapacitated from appearing on the field 
for some time, I have resolved to take great care of 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 41 

myself; be convinced of this, my love. This affair 
will, I fear, be attended with bad consequences for 
America, but we will endeavor, if possible, to repair 
the evil. You must have received many letters from 
me unless the English be as ill-disposed towards my 
epistles as towards my legs. I have not yet received 
one letter, and I am most impatient to hear from you. 
Adieu ; I am forbidden to write longer." 

The news of the battle of Brandywine occasioned 
so much apprehension for the safety of Philadelphia, 
that Congress abruptly adjourned from that city to 
Bristol. Lafayette was also carried thither, whence 
he was taken to Bethlehem to remain under the care 
of the Moravian Society there, until his permanent re- 
covery. Soon after his arrival at this quiet retreat, 
he again wrote a letter, full of interest, to his wife. 
It is dated October 1st, 1777, and reads as follows: 

I wrote to you, my dearest love, the 12th of Sep- 
tember; the twelfth was the day after the eleventh 
and I have a little tale to relate to you concerning that 
eleventh day. To render my action more meritor- 
ious, I might tell you that prudent reflections in- 
duced me to remain for some weeks in bed, safe 
sheltered from all danger ; but I must acknowledge 
that I Avas encouraged to take this measure by a slight 
wound, which I met with I know not how, for I did 
not, in truth, expose myself to peril. It was the first 
conflict at which I had been present, so you see how 
very rare engagements are. It will be the last of this 
campaign, or, in all probability, at least the last great 



42 LIFE OF GENERAL 

battle ; and if any thing should occur you see that I 
could not myself be present. 

" My first occupation was to write to you the day 
after that affair ; I told you that it was a mere trifle, 
and I was right ; all I fear is, that you may not have 
received my letter. As General Howe is giving, 
meanwhile, rather pompous details of his American 
exploits to the king his master, if he should write 
•word that I am wounded, he may also write word that 
I am killed, which would not cost him anything ; but 
I hope that my friends, and you especially, will not 
give faith to the reports of those persons who last year 
dared to publish that General Washington and all the 
general officers of his army, being in a boat together, 
had been upset, and every individual drowned. But 
let us speak about the wound; — it is only a flesh 
wound and has touched neither bone nor nerve. The 
surgeons are astonished at the rapidity with which it 
heals; they are in an ecstacy of joy each time they 
dress it, and pretend it is the finest thing in the world. 
For my part, I think it most disagreeable, painful, 
and wearisome ; but tastes often differ. If a man, 
however, wished to be wounded for his amusement 
only, he should come and examine how I have been 
struck, that he might be struck precisely in the same 
manner. This, my dearest love, is what I pompously 
style my wound, to give myself airs and render my- 
self interesting. 

'' I must now give you your lesson as wife of an 
'American general officer. They will say to you, — 
' They have been beaten/ — ^you must answer, — ' That 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 43 

is true ; but when two armies of equal number meet in 
the field, old soldiers have naturally the advantage 
over new ones ; — they have, besides, had the pleasure 
of killing a great many of the enemy, many more than 
they have lost.' They will afterwards add ; — ' All 
this is very well, but Philadelphia is taken, the capital 
of America, the rampart of liberty ! ' You must po- 
litely answer ; — ^ You are all great fools ! Philadel- 
phia is a poor forlorn town, exposed on every side, 
whose harbor was already closed ; though the resi- 
dence of Congress lent it, I know not why, some de- 
gree of celebrity.' This is the famous city which, be 
it added, we will, sooner or later, make them yield 
back to us. If they continue to persecute you with 
questions, you may send them about their business in 
terms which the Viscount de l^oailles will teach you, 
for I cannot lose time by talking to you of politics. 

" Be perfectly at ease about my wound ; all the fac- 
ulty in America are engaged in my service. I have 
a friend who has spoken of them in such a manner 
that I am certain of being well attended to. That 
friend is General Washington. This excellent man, 
whose talents and virtues I admired, and whom I 
have learned to revere as I know him better, has now 
become my intimate friend. His aifectionate interest 
in me instantly won my heart. I am established in 
his house, and we live together like two attached 
brothers, with mutual confidence and cordiality. This 
friendship renders me as happy as I can possibly be 
in this country. When he sent his best surgeon to 
me, he told him to take charge of me as if I were his 



44 LIFE OF GENERAL 

son, because he loved me with the same affection. 
Having heard that I wished to rejoin the army too 
soon, he wrote me a letter, full of tenderness, in which 
he requested me to attend to the perfect restoration of 
my health, I give you these details, my dearest love, 
that you may feel quite certain of the care which is 
taken of me. Among the French officers who have all 
expressed the warmest interest in me, M. de Gimat, 
my aid-de-camp, has followed me about like my 
shadow, both before and since the battle, and has 
given me every possible proof of attachment. You 
may thus feel quite secure on this account, both for 
the present and the future. 

" I am at present in the solitude of Bethlehem, 
which the Abbe Raynal has described so minutely. 
This establishment is a very interesting one ; — the 
fraternity lead an agreeable and very tranquil life, 
but we will talk over all this on my return. I intend 
to weary those I love, yourself, of course, in the first 
place, by the relation of my adventures, for you know 
that I was always a great prattler. 

'' You must become a prattler also, my love, and 
say many things for me to Henriette — my poor little 
Henriette ! embrace her a thousand times ; — talk of 
me to her, but do not tell her all I deserve to suffer ; — 
my punishment will be, not to be recognized by her on 
my arrival ; that is the penance Henriette will impose 
upon me." 

At Bethlehem Lafayette remained for a number of 
weeks, but his anxiety for active service led him to 
the camp again before his wound was healed. Wash- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 45 

ington received him with open arms, but gently 
chicled his imprudent zeal, and urged him to remain 
at head quarters. Irksome as this advice was, the 
judgment of Lafayette approved it, and for a while 
it was scrupulously followed. But, with returning 
strength, he panted again for action. Though will- 
ing to serve in any capacity, he did not conceal from 
Washington his wish to become invested with author- 
ity corresponding to his commission. Washington 
understood and felt the force of the suggestion. De- 
tecting in the Marquis abilities adapted to the station 
desired, he was aware of the barrier interposed, by 
the jealousy against foreign officers, which was 
strongly felt both by Congress, and the army. He 
renewed his efforts, feeling increasingly solicitous 
because several French gentlemen, who came over 
under assurances of obtaining an honorable command, 
had recently returned disappointed to France. Con- 
gress, however, was not yet disposed to comply with 
the request. Lafayette, though it cannot be doubted 
that he was somewhat chagrined at the failure, admir- 
ably concealed his feelings, and though his wound was 
not yet sufficiently healed to permit him to wear a 
boot, he asked and obtained permission to join as a 
volunteer, an expedition which was then fitting out 
under General Greene, to operate in New Jersey. 
The object of it, in part, was to give battle to Lord 
Cornwallis. Before reaching Billingsport, where 
that officer was preparing to attack Fort Mercer, 
Greene learned with vexation that the enemy had 
been greatly augmented, by a reinforcement from 



46 LIFE OF GENERAL 

"New York. This news determined him that it would 
not be safe to offer battle, and the intention was ac- 
cordingly dismissed, though he remained in ITew 
Jersey watching for an opportunity to harass, if he 
dare not attack. Fort Mercer was evacuated on the 
20th of November, and the British fleet had thus an 
uninterrupted intercourse with their troops in Phila- 
delphia. Lord Cornwallis entrenched himself in a 
strong position on Gloucester Point, and Greene well 
knew that he could not v/ith his present force drive 
him from it. Thus the main purpose of the expe- 
dition was likely to be defeated; but Lafayette was 
not inclined to retire without a trial of strength. 
With a small company, he reconnoitered the enemy's 
picket, and was authorized to make an attack upon it 
if circumstances justified. This was on the 25th of 
]^ovember. Having spent most of the day in ex- 
amining fully as possible the situation of the enemy's 
camp, he was at length discovered, and a detachment 
of dragoons sent off to intercept him. Eluding these, 
he came suddenly upon a picket of four hundred Hes- 
sians, with their field pieces posted, at about two and 
a half miles from Gloucester. His own company 
numbered about three hundred men, but all being in 
fine spirits, the enemy was immediately attacked. So 
sudden was the onset, that the Hessians were forced 
to fly, barely firing a single shot. They were driven 
for more than half a mile, when detachments came to 
their assistance, and they turned to face their pur- 
suers. Lafayette was not dismayed. His men had 
as yet met with no loss, and now fought with great im- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 47 

petuositj. The reinforcements were first over- 
thrown, and then the Hessians again precipitately 
fled. The heroic band chased them till dark, and then 
returned in high glee to camp with only five wounded, 
and having lost but one man. The loss of the Brit- 
ish was considerable, and a number of prisoners were 
taken in the engagement. Lafayette was elated with 
the adventure and highly commended by General 
Greene, for the skill and bravery he displayed. 

This engagement offered a fresh opportunity for 
Washington to press the claims of Lafayette upon the 
attention of Congress. That body, as if conscious of 
their injustice, now promptly responded to the press- 
ing entreaties of the Commander-in-Chief. On the 
1st of December, 1777, the following resolution was 
passed : 

" Resolved, That General Washington be in- 
formed it is highly agreeable to Congress that the 
Marquis de Lafayette be appointed to the command of 
a division in the continental army." 

This was joyful tidings both to the Marquis and to 
Washington. Three days after it was received La- 
fayette was publicly invested with his rank, and 
placed over the division of Virginia troops, lately led 
by General Stephens. He returned suitable thanks 
to Washington, but it should be mentioned to his 
honor, that he had been entirely devoted to the cause 
of freedom, during the time he was suffering the re- 
buffs of the nation for whose sake he was an exile 
from princely affluence and domestic joy. 

It was now almost time for the campaign of 1777 



48 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to close. General Greene had been ordered to re- 
cross the Delaware, and join again the main body of 
the army. Sir William Howe had also recalled Lord 
Cornwallis, determining, if attainable, to bring on a 
decisive engagement between his own and the conti- 
nental forces. With the avowed purpose of forcing 
Washington from his position, and driving him be- 
yond the mountains, he marched out of Philadelphia, 
on the evening of the 4th of December, at the head of 
twelve thousand men, and entrenched himself upon a 
range of hills lying about three miles from the Ameri- 
can encampment at Whitemarsh. The two armies 
were about equal in number, and Washington deter- 
mined to await the assault, without giving the enemy 
any advantage, by acting upon the defensive. From 
this purpose Sir William Howe craftily endeavored 
to seduce him, but in vain. Several days were spent 
in slight skirmishes, in all of which Lafayette sig- 
nally distinguished himself, but in none of them could 
the British general decoy from his position his wary 
foe. Xot daring to attack him in his camp, and un- 
able, by all his mana?uvres, to draw him from it, 
Howe marched back to Philadelphia without having 
effected a battle; thus giving, though unwillingly, 
" the highest testimony of the respect which he felt 
for the talents of his adversary, and the courage of the 
troops he was to encounter." 

Soon after, Washington broke up his encampment, 
and Lafayette accompanied the army into winter 
quarters at Valley Forge. The details of this terrible 
winter are familiar to every reader of Kevolutionary; 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 49 

history. The undaunted bravery of a soldiery whose 
naked feet tracked with blood the frozen ground, in 
their march from Whitemarsh to Valley Forge, is cal- 
culated to touch a chord of admiration in a tyrant's 
breast. Lafayette, himself, thus describes the con- 
dition of the army after it had taken up its winter 
quarters. " The imfortunate soldiers were in want 
of every thing; — they had neither coats, hats, shirts, 
nor shoes ; — their feet and legs froze until they be- 
came black, and it was often necessary to amputate 
them. From want of money they could neither ob- 
tain provisions nor any means of transport. The 
Colonels were often reduced to two rations and some- 
times to one. The army frequently remained whole 
days without provisions, and the patient endurance 
of both soldiers and officers Avas a miracle, which each 
moment served to renew. But the sight of their mis- 
ery prevented new engagements ; — it was almost im- 
possible to levy recruits ; — it was easy to desert into 
the interior of the country. The sacred fires of lib- 
erty Avere not extinguished, it is true, and the major- 
ity of the citizens detested British tyranny; but the 
triumph of the North * and the tranquillity of the 
South, had lulled to sleep two-thirds of the continent." 
In all these trials, Lafayette was himself uncom- 
plaining. He sympathized with the soldiers, and 
cheered the officers, both by word and example. " He 
adopted in every respect the American dress, habits 
and food. He wished to be more simple, frugal, and 
austere, than the Americans themselves. Brought up 
* Gates defeat of Burgoyne, 



50 l^IEE OF GENERAL 

in the lap of luxury, he suddenly changed his whole 
manner of living, and his constitution bent itself to 
privations as well as to fatigue." 

From Valley Forge the Marquis writes to his 
father-in-law the Duke d'Ayen, in France. His let- 
ter is dated December 16th, 1777, and we extract 
from it the following interesting passages : 

'' The loss of Philadelphia is far from being so im- 
portant as it is conceived to be in Europe. If the 
difference of circumstances, of countries, and of pro- 
portions between the two armies, were not duly con- 
sidered, the success of General Gates would appear 
surprising when compared with the events which have 
occurred with us, — taking into account the superior- 
ity of General Washington over General Gates. Our 
General is a man formed, in truth, for this revolu- 
tion, which could not have been accomplished without 
him. I see him more intimately than any other man, 
and I see that he is worthy of the adoration of his 
countr^^ His tender friendship for me, and his com- 
plete confidence in me, relating to all political and 
military subjects, great as well as small, enable me to 
judge of all the interests he has to conciliate, and all 
the difficulties he has to conquer. I admire each day 
more fully the excellence of his character and the 
kindness of his heart. Some foreigners are dis- 
pleased at not having been employed — although it did 
not depend on him to employ them — others, whose 
ambitious projects he would not serve, and some in- 
triguing, jealous men, have endeavored to injure his 
reputation j but his name will be revered in every age 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 51 

by all true lovers of liberty and humanity. Although 
1 may appear to be eulogizing my friend, I believe 
that the part he makes me act, gives me the right of 
avowing publicly how much I admire and respect 
him. 

" America is most impatiently expecting us to de- 
clare for her, and France will, one day, I hope, de- 
termine to humble the pride of England. This hope, 
and the measures which America appears determined 
to pursue, give me great hopes for the glorious estab- 
lishment of her independence. We are not, I confess, 
as strong as I expected, but we are strong enough .o 
fight, and we shall do so, I trust, with some degree of 
success. With the assistance of France, we shall gain 
with costs the cause that I cherish, because it is the 
cause of justice ; because it honors humanity, because 
it is important to my country, and because my Amer- 
ican friends and myself are deeply engaged in it. 
The approaching campaign will be an interesting one. 
It is said that the English are sending us some Han- 
overians ; some time ago they threatened us with what 
was far worse, the arrival of some Russians. A 
slight menace from France would lessen the number 
of these reinforcements. The more I see of the Eng- 
lish, the more thoroughly convinced I am, that it is 
necessary to speak to them in a loud tone. 

" After having wearied you with public affairs, 
you must not expect to escape without being wearied 
also with my private affairs. It is impossible to be 
more agreeably situated in a foreign country than I 
am. I have only feelings of pleasure to express, and 



52 LIFE OF GENERAL 

I have each day more reason to be satisfied with the 
conduct of Congress towards me; although my mili- 
tary occupations have allowed me to become person- 
ally acquainted with but few of its members. Those 
I do know, have especially loaded me with marks of 
kindness and attention. The new President, Mr. 
Laurens, one of the most respectable men of America, 
is my particular friend. As to the army, I have had 
the happiness of obtaining the friendship of every 
individual ; not one opportunity is lost of giving me 
proofs of it. I passed the whole summer without ac- 
cepting a division, which you know, had been my pre- 
vious intention; I passed all that time at General 
Washington's house, where I felt as if I were with a 
friend of twenty years' standing. Since my return 
from Jersey, he has desired me to choose among sev- 
eral brigades, the division which may please me best. 
I have chosen one entirely composed of Virginians. 
It is weak in point of numbers, at present, just in pro- 
portion, however, to the weakness of the whole army, 
and almost in a state of nakedness, but I am promised 
cloth of which I shall make clothes, and recruits of 
which soldiers must be made, about the same period ; 
— but, unfortunately, the latter is the more difficult 
task, even for more skilful men than I. 

" This letter will be given you by the celebrated 
Adams, whose name must undoubtedly be known to 
you. As I have never allowed myself to quit the 
army, I have never seen him. He wished that I 
should give him letters of introduction to Erance, es- 
pecially to yourself. May I hope that you will have 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 53 

the goodness to receive him kindly, and even to give 
him some information respecting the present state of 
affairs. I fancied you would not be sorry to converse 
with a man whose merit is so universally acknowl- 
edged. He desires ardently to succeed in obtaining 
the esteem of our nation. One of his friends himself 
told me so." 

The tribute which Lafayette paid in this letter to 
General Washington, came warmly from his heart. 
The annals of friendship scarcely show an intenser 
reciprocal affection, than existed between these two 
individuals. Each looked upon the other as a friend 
and their confidence strengthened constantly during 
their long intercourse together. In the present win- 
ter, Washington was made the object of a base and 
jealous intrigue, and an attempt was made to induce 
the Marquis to join the Cabal. Horatio Gates, in- 
toxicated by his recent success against Burgoyne, as- 
sisted by a few ambitious partisans, was plotting the 
removal of Wahington. The popularity of Gates was 
at this moment extreme, and many true friends of 
America would have hailed with applause his ap- 
pointment as Commander-in-Chief. Plans, which 
were at first only talked of in secret whispers, at 
length became loudly hinted even in the ISTational 
Legislature. Some of the most prominent men in 
the nation, Patrick Henry among them, were ap- 
proached, if possible, to shake their attachment to 
Washington. Men of discretion repelled at once the 
base insinuations, and Patrick Henry took occasion 
to make known to him the influences which were 



54 LIFE OF GENERAL 

operating against him. The most cautious but deep 
laid conspiracy was made to win over Lafayette to the 
faction. Promises of high rank and command were 
held out to him, and the strongest appeals made to his 
love of honor and renown. Motives drawn from his 
love of liberty and interest in the mighty struggle 
were also brought to bear upon him. The superiority 
of Gates to Washington as a military leader, was 
greatly enlarged upon in his presence, but these only 
strengthened the love with which the soul of Lafay- 
ette Avas bound to Washington. In a letter dated 
December 30th, 1777, he thus communicates his feel- 
ings to him : 

" My Dear General, — I went yesterday morning 
to head-quarters, with an intention of speaking to 
your excellency, but you were too busy, and I shall 
lay down in this letter what I wished to say. 

''' I don't need to tell you that I am sorry for all 
that has happened for some time past. It is neces- 
sary dependence of my most tender and respectful 
friendship for you, which affection is as true and 
candid as the other sentiments of my heart, and much 
stronger than so new an acquaintance seems to admit; 
but another reason to be concerned in the present cir- 
CLimstances is the result of my ardent and perhaps en- 
thusiastic wishes for the happiness and liberty of this 
country. I see plainly that America can defend her- 
self if proper measures are taken, and now I begin 
to fear lest she should be lost by herself and her own 
sons. 

" When I was in Europe, I thought that here 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 55 

almost every man was a lover of liberty, and would 
rather die free than live a slave. You can conceive 
of my astonishment when I saw that toryism was as 
openly professed as whiggism itself ; however, at that 
time I believed that all good Americans were united 
together — that the confidence of Congress in you was 
unbounded. Then I entertained the certitude that 
America would be independent in case she should not 
lose you. Take away for an instant that modest dif- 
fidence of yourself, (which, pardon my freedom, my 
dear General, is sometimes too great, and I wish you 
could know as well as myself what difference there is 
between you and any other man,) you would see very 
plainly that, if you were lost for America, there is 
nobody who could keep the army and the revolu- 
tion six months. There are open dissensions in Con- 
gress; parties who hate one another as much as the 
common enemy ; stupid men, who, without knowing 
a single word about war, undertake to judge you to 
make ridiculous comparisons ; they are infatuated 
with Gates, without thinking of the different circum- 
stances, and believe that attacking is the only thing 
necessary to conquer. These ideas are entertained in 
their minds by some jealous men, and perhaps secret 
friends to the British Government, who want to push 
you, in a moment of ill humor, to some rash enter- 
prise upon the lines, or against a much stronger army. 
I should not take the liberty of mentioning these par- 
ticulars, if I had not received a letter about this mat- 
ter from a young good-natured gentleman at York, 
whom Conway has ruined by his cunning, but who 



56 LIFE OF GENERAL 

entertains the greatest respect for you." Lafayette 
then goes on to recount the efforts which had been 
made to win himself away from Washington, and 
closes his letter with earnest assurances of " the most 
tender and profound respect," with which he still felt 
proud to regard him. The next day, Washington re- 
plied to this letter, thanking Lafayette for the " fresh 
proof of friendship and attachment which it gave 
him," and giving his own calm opinion about the plot 
concerning him. In conclusion, this illustrious man 
writes : — " But we must not, in so great a contest, ex- 
pect to meet nothing but sunshine. I have no doubt 
that every thing happens for the best, that we shall 
triumph over all our misfortunes, and, in the end, be 
happy ; — when, my dear Marquis, if you will give me 
your company in Virginia, we will laugh at our past 
difficulties and the folly of others; and I will en- 
deavor, by every civility in my power, to show you 
how much, and how sincerely, I am your affectionate 
and obedient servant." 

liTotwithstanding the Cabal was destined to prove 
ingloriously fruitless, it nevertheless gave Washing- 
ton great annoyance. 

Conway, his bitter enemy and next to Gates in the 
guilty plot, had been appointed Inspector-General of 
the Army, a promotion so offensive to the officers, that 
it required skillful management of the Commander to 
restrain them from open mutiny. A new Board of 
War, had been instituted by Congress, designed to 
have a general control of military affairs. Of this 
Board Gates was made President, and his influence 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 57 

was accordingly given for measures which he knew 
were contrary to the views of Washington. This was 
done with a view of inducing him to retire in disgust 
from the army. Thinking to promote the design by 
separating from him so faithful and efficient a friend 
as Lafayette, and having been foiled hitherto, the 
conspirators brought forward a new plan. On the 
22d of January, 1778, it was resolved by Congress; 
— '' That an irruption be made into Canada, and that 
the Board of War be authorized to take every neces- 
sary measure for the execution of the business, under 
such general officers as Congress shall appoint." On 
the 23d of January, Lafayette was appointed to the 
command of this expedition. It was said that the 
character of Lafayette as a Frenchman of illustrious 
rank, rendered him peculiarly qualified for the con- 
quest of a province recently attached to the French 
empire. But it was also reported that, " the authors 
of this scheme had it principally in view, by separ- 
ating Lafayette from Washington to deprive the Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the defense of so trustworthy a 
friend." Washington was not consulted at all re- 
specting this movement. The first intimation which 
he received, was given in a letter from General 
Gates of the 24th of January, enclosing one of the 
same date to Lafayette, requiring his attendance on 
Congress to receive his instructions. Without no- 
ticing at all the want of confidence in himself, man- 
ifested by the action of the Board, Washington 
calmly handed the commission to Lafayette, and ad- 
vised him to accept the appointment, which was aii 



58 LIFE OF GENERAL 

honorable one for the Marquis; and, as it was urged 
upon him, he consented, and immediately proceeded 
to the capital. The troops were to be furnished by 
the northern states, and Lafayette was instructed by 
the Board of War to proceed as soon as possible to 
Albany, where they were to rendezvous. He was 
further counselled, " that, considering the length of 
the route into that country in an inclement season, he 
should be particularly attentive to have his men well 
clothed, and so supplied with provisions as effectually 
to guard against any misfortune which might happen 
for want of these necessary articles ; — and, in case 
he should fail in obtaining the forces which he might 
judge competent, or supplies sufficient for them, that 
he should carefully attend to those contingencies, and 
regulate his conduct according to the probability of 
success, without exposing his troops to any very great, 
or very apparent hazard." With these vague instruc- 
tions Lafayette departed to join his force in Albany, 
taking with him the Baron De Kalb as second in com- 
mand. General Conway,* who was also to accom- 

* As General Conway was one of the chief intriguers against 
Washington, and as we do not propose again to refer to this 
infamoustransaction, we will here introduce the acknowledg- 
ment which he afterwards voluntarily made to Washington. 
Having been wounded in a duel with General Cadwallader, 
and thinking his end approaching, he addressed tlie following 
letter to the man whom he had attempted grossly to injure : 

Philadelphia, July 33d, 1778. 

" Sir, — I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few 
minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere 
grief for having done, written, or said anything disagreeable 
to your excellency. My career will soon be over, therefore, 
justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. 
You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 59 

pany him, proceeded before him, and waited his ar- 
rival at Albany. The account of this campaign we 
cannot make more interesting than by letting the 
Marquis relate it, chiefly in his own words. On his 
route he writes to General Washington as follows : 
" Hemmingtown, February 9tli, 1778. 

" Dear General, — I cannot let go my guide with- 
out taking this opportunity of writing to your excel- 
lency, though I have not yet public business to speak 
of. I go on very slowly; — sometimes drenched in 
rain, and sometimes covered by snow, and not enter- 
taining many handsome thoughts about the projected 
incursion into Canada ; if success were to be had it 
would surprise me in a most agreeable manner, by the 
very reason that I don't expect any shining ones. 
Lake Champlain is too cold for producing the least bit 
of laurel, and if I am not starved I shall be as proud 
as if I had gained three battles. 

" Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a 
tavern, but nobody was to be found there. I fancy 
that he will be with Mr. Conway sooner than he has 
told me ; — they will perhaps conquer Canada before 
my arrival, and I expect to meet them at the Gov- 
ernor's house in Quebec. 

" Could I believe for one single instant, that this 
pompous command of a northern army will let your 
excellency at all forget us absent friends, then I 

enjoy the love, veneration and esteem of these states, whoso 
liberties j'ou liave asserted by your virtues. 
" I am with the greatest respect, Sir, 

" Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, 

"PHS. CONWAY." 



60 LIFE OF GENERAL 

would send the project to the place it comes from. 
But I dare hope that you will remember me some- 
times. I wish you very heartily the greatest public 
and private happiness and success. It is a very mel- 
ancholy idea for me that I cannot follow your for- 
tunes as near your person as I could wish ; but my 
heart will take, very sincerely, its part of every thing 
which can happen to you, and I am already thinking 
of the agreeable moment when I may come down to 
assure your excellency of the most tender affection 
and highest respect." 

Having arrived at Albany, he wrote again to Wash- 
ington : 

Albany, February 19th, 1778. 

" Dear Geneeal, — Why am I so far from you ? 
and what business had the Board of War to hurry me 
through the ice and snow, without knowing what I 
should do, neither what they were going to do them- 
selves ? You have thought, perhaps, that their 
project would be attended with some difficulty, that 
some means had been neglected, that I could not ob- 
tain all the success and that immensity of laurels 
which they had promised me ; — ^but I defy your ex- 
cellency to conceive any idea of what I have seen 
since I left the place where I was quiet and near my 
friends, to run myself through all the blunders of 
madness or treachery, — God knows what, — But let 
me begin the journal of my fine and glorious cam- 
paign. 

'' According to Lord Stirling's advice, I went by 
Corich Ferry, to Kingo's tavern, where Mr. Duer 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 61 

had given me a rendezvous, but there no Duer was to 
be found, nor did they ever hear from him. From 
thence I proceeded by the state of New York and had 
the pleasure of seeing the friends of America as wann 
in their love for the Commander-in-Chief as his best 
friend could wish. I spoke to Governor Clinton, and 
was much satisfied with that gentleman. At length I 
reached Albany on the 17th, though I was not ex- 
pected before the 25th. General Conway had been 
here only three days before me, and I must confess 
I found him very active, and looking as if he had good 
intentions ; — but we know a great deal upon that sub- 
ject. His first word has been, that the expedition is 
quite impossible. I was at first very diffident of this 
report, but I have found that he was right. Such is, 
at least, the idea I can form of this ill-concerted op- 
eration within these two days. 

" General Schuyler, General Lincoln, and General 
Arnold had written before my arrival, to General 
Conway, in the most expressive terms, that, in our 
present circumstances, there was no possibility to be- 
gin, now, an enterprise into Canada. Hay, Deputy 
Quarter Master General; Cuyler, Deputy Commis- 
sary General ; Mearsin, Deputy Clothier General, in 
what they call the northern department, are entirely 
of the same opinion. Colonel Hazen, who has been 
appointed to a place which interferes with the three 
others above mentioned, was the most desirous of go- 
ing there. The reasons of such an order I think I 
may attribute to other motives. The same Hazen 
confesses we are not strong enough to think of the ex- 



62 LIFE OF GENERAL 

pedition in this moment. As to the troops, they are 
disgusted and (if you except some of Hazen's Cana- 
dians) reluctant, to the utmost degree to begin a win- 
ter incursion into so cold a country. I have con- 
sulted every body and every body answers me that 
it would be madness to undertake this operation. 

" I have been deceived by the Board of War. 
They have, by the strongest expressions, promised 
to me one thousand, and — ^what is more to be de- 
pended upon — they have assured to me in writing, 
two thousand and five hundred combatants at a low 
estimate. ISTow, sir, I do not believe I can find in all 
twelve hundred fit for duty, and most part of those 
very men are naked, even for a summer's campaign. 
I was to find General Stark with a large body, and 
indeed General Gates has told me, ' General Starh 
will have burnt the fleet before your arrival.' Well, 
the first letter I receive in Albany is from General 
Starh, who luishes to hnoiv what number of men, from 
whence, for luhat time, for what rendezvous, I^wish 
him to raise. Colonel Biveld who was to rise too, 
would have done something had he received money. 
One asks what encouragement his people will have, 
the other has no clothes ; not one of them has received 
a dollar of what was due them. I have applied to 
every body, I have begged at every door I could these 
two days, and I see that I could do some thing were 
the expedition to be begun in five weeks. But you 
know that we have not an hour to lose, and indeed it 
is now rather too late had we every thing in readiness. 

" There is a spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 63 

among the soldiers, and even the officers, which is 
owing to their not being paid for some time since. 
This department is much indebted, and as near as I 
can ascertain (for so short a time, I have already dis- 
covered near eight hundred thousand dollars due to 
the continental troops, some militia, the quarter mas- 
ter's department, kc, &c., &c. It was with four hun- 
dred thousand dollars, only the half of which is ar- 
rived to day, that I was to undertake the operation, 
and satisfy the men under my commands. I send to 
Congress the account of those debts. Some clothes, 
by Colonel Hallen's activity, are arrived from Bos- 
ton, but not enough by far, and the greater part is 
cut off. 

'' We have had intelligence from a deserter, who 
makes the enemy stronger than I thought. There is 
no such thing as straw on hoard the vessels to hum 
them. I have sent to Congress a full account of the 
matter; I hope it will open their eyes. What they 
will resolve upon I do not know, but I think I must 
wait here for their answer. I have enclosed to the 
president copies of the most important letters I had 
received. It would be tedious for your excellency, 
were I to undertake the minutest detail of every 
thing ; it will be sufficient to say that the want of men, 
clothes, money, and the want of time, deprives me of 
all hopes as to this excursion. If it may begin again 
in the month of June by the east, I cannot venture 
to assure; but for the present moment, such is the 
idea I conceive of the famous incursion, as far as I 
may be informed in so short a time. 



64: , LIFE OF GENERAL 

" Tour excellency may judge that I am very dis- 
tressed by this disappointment.- My being appointed 
to the command of the expedition is known through 
the continent, it will be soon known in Europe, as I 
have been desired by members of Congress to write to 
my friends; — my being at the head of an army, 
people will be in great expectations, and what shall 
I answer ? 

" I am afraid it will reflect on my reputation, and I 
shall be laughed at. My fears upon that subject are 
so strong, that I would choose to become again only a 
volunteer, unless Congress offers the means of mend- 
ing this ugly business by some glorious operation ; — 
but I am very far from giving to them the least no- 
tice upon that matter. General Arnold seems very 
fond of a diversion against New York, and he is too 
sick to take the field before four or five months. I 
should be happy if something were proposed to me in 
that way, but I will never ask nor even seem desirous 
of any thing directly from Congress ; — and as for 
you, dear General, I know very well that you will do 
every thing to procure me the only thing I am am- 
bitious of — glory. 

" I think your excellency will approve of my stay- 
ing here till further orders, and of my taking the 
liberty of sending my dispatches to Congress by a 
very quick occasion, without going through the hands 
of my General ; — ^but I was desirous to acquaint them 
early of my disagreeable and ridiculous position." 
Four days afterwards he writes as follows : 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 65 

" My Deak GE:srERAL, — . . . I have written lately 
to you my distressing, ridiculous, foolish, and indeed 
nameless situation. I am sent with great noise, at 
the head of an army, for doing great things ; — the 
whole continent, France and Europe herself, and 
what is the worst, the British army, are in great ex- 
pectations. How far they will be deceived, how far 
we shall be ridiculed, you may judge by the candid 
account you have got of the state of our affairs. 

" There are things, I dare say, in which I am 
deceived — a certain Colonel is not here for nothing; 
one other gentleman became very popular before I 
went to this place — Arnold himself is very fond of 
him. Every part on which I turn to look I am sure a 
cloud is drawn before my eyes ; — but there are points 
I cannot be deceived upon. The want of money, the 
dissatisfaction among the soldiers, the disclination of 
every one (except the Canadians who mean to stay at 
home) for this expedition, are as conspicuous as possi- 
ble. I am sure I shall become very ridiculous and 
shall be laughed at. My expedition will be as fa- 
mous as the secret expedition against Rhode Island. 
I confess, m^^ dear General, that I find myself of 
very quick feelings whenever my reputation and glory 
are concerned in anything. It is very hard indeed 
that such a part of my happiness, without which I 
cannot live, should depend upon schemes which I 
never knew of but when there was no time to put 
them into execution. I assure you, my most dear and 
respected friend, that I am more unhappy than I 
ever was. 



66 LIFE OF GENERAL 

" My desire for doing something was such, that I 
have thought of doing it by surprise with a detach- 
ment, but this seems to me rash and quite impossible. 
I should be ever happy if you were here to give me 
some advice, but I have nobody to consult with. 
They have sent to me more than twenty French offi- 
cers, but I do not know what to do with them. I 
beg you will acquaint me with the line of conduct you 
advise me to follow on every point. I am at a loss 
how to act, and indeed I do not know what I am here 
for myself. However, as being the eldest officer, 
(after General Arnold has desired me to take the 
command,) I think it is my duty to mind the business 
of this part of America as well as I can. General 
Gates holds yet the title and power of Commander-in- 
Chief of the xvTorthern Department, but as two hun- 
dred thousand dollars have arrived, I have taken upon 
myself to pay the most necessary part of the debts we 
are involved in. I am about sending provisions to 
Tort Schuyler ; — I will go see the fort. I will try to 
get some clothes for the troops, to buy some articles 
for the next campaign. I have directed some money 
to be borrowed upon my credit to satisfy the troops, 
who are much discontented. In all I endeavor to do 
for the best, though I have no particular authority or 
instructions. I will come as near as I can to General 
Gates' intentions, but I want much to get an answer 
to my letters. 

" I fancy (between us) that the actual scheme is to 
have me out of this part of the continent, and Gen- 
eral Conway in chief under the immediate direction 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 67 

of General Gates. How they will bring it up 1 do 
not know, but you may be sure something of that 
kind will appear. You are nearer than myself, and 
every honest man in Congress is your friend ; — there- 
fore, you may foresee and prevent, if possible, the 
evil, a hundred times better than I can. I would 
only give that idea to your excellency. 

" After having written in Europe (by the desire of 
the members of Congress) so many fine things about 
my commanding an army, I shall be ashamed if noth- 
ing can be done by me in that way. I am told Gen- 
eral Putnam is recalled; but your excellency better 
knows than I do what would be convenient, therefore 
I don't want to mind these things myself. 

" Will you be so good as to present my respects 
to your lady? With the most tender aifection and 
highest respect, I have the honor to be, &c." 

Washington deeply sympathized with the Marquis 
in his trying condition, and replied to these letters in 
terms of condolence and commendation. He assured 
him that his character stood as fair as it ever did, and 
that the prudence which he had displayed, and his 
manifest wisdom in abstaining from the expedition 
under the difficulties by which he was unexpectedly 
surrounded, would brighten rather than tarnish his 
reputation. With the kindness of a father, he as- 
sured the Marquis of his undiminished confidence, 
that the most prompt to slander could have nothing in 
his conduct upon which to found a story of blame. 
His influence was also exerted to procure an order 
from Congress authorizing the abandonment of the 



68 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Canadian enterprise, and the return of Lafayette. 
On the second of March, the Board of War were di- 
rected " to instruct the Marquis de Lafayette to sus- 
pend, for the present, the intended irruption ; and at 
the same time inform him, that Congress entertain 
a high sense of his prudence, activity, and zeal ; and 
that they are fully persuaded, nothing has, or would 
have been wanting on his part, or on the part of the 
officers who accompanied him, to give the expedition 
the utmost possible effect." On the thirteenth of 
March, Washington was permitted to recall the Mar- 
quis, and in pursuance of this order, he rejoined 
Washington at Valley Forge ; where self-denial and 
mutual sympathy made their attachment scarcely less 
beautiful than that between the Hebrew Bard and the 
young Prince of Israel,* who fought and suffered to- 
gether. 

* The reference is to the famous friendship between David 
and Jonathan. See I Samuel xviii. 1 : " And it came to 
pass . . . that the soul of Jonathan was knit with the 
soul of David ; and he loved him as his own soul." For 
David's lament over Saul and Jonathan, see II Samuel i. 
19-27. 



MAKQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 69 



CHAPTER III. 

The campaign of 177Y had closed gloomily to the 
friends of freedom; and the defeated, yet not dis- 
heartened army took up their winter quarters at 
Valley Forge. But while the shadows were deepen- 
ing, there was below the horizon the on-coming of 
day. 

The genius of Washington was not slumbering. In 
the early part of 1778, he was industriously employed 
in forming plans for the next campaign. The regu- 
lations for the militia service were re-organized and 
established upon a firmer basis than before. A new 
spirit of discipline was infused into the regular force, 
and both officers and soldiers found the spring open- 
ing upon them with new courage, and brighter expec- 
tations than at any former period. The influence of 
the example and representations of Lafayette upon 
France was not unmarked. The French ministry, 
who had always secretly favored the Revolution, were 
giving decided evidence of their interest ; and at 
length, on the 6th of February, the independence of 
the United States was formally acknowledged by that 
nation. The treaties of amity and commerce, and of 
defensive alliance which were entered into between 



YO LIFE OF GENERAL 

the American Commissioners at Paris and the Gov- 
ernment, were hailed with unbounded joy throughout 
the land. 

Valley Forge was about twenty miles from Phila- 
delphia, but the British, though vastly superior in 
numbers, had not attempted a general attack; con- 
fining their operations to predatory excursions against 
the inhabitants of the surrounding country. Early 
in the month of May the vigilance of General Wash- 
ington discovered indications that they were about to 
evacuate the city ; and at once took measures to harass 
them on their departure. Lafayette was detached 
with a picked company of two thousand men, with 
orders to cross the Schuylkill, and take up his post as 
an advance guard to the army, where he could be in 
readiness to annoy if practicable the rear of the en- 
emy, should they move as expected. " You will re- 
member," said Washington to him, " that your de- 
tachment is a very valuable one and that any accident 
happening to it, would be a severe blow to the army ; 
you will therefore use every precaution for its se- 
curity, and to guard against a surprise." Lafayette 
was specially enjoined to avoid any permanent sta- 
tion, as it would facilitate the execution of designs 
which might be concerted against him. With these 
instructions, the Marquis crossed the river and halted, 
on the 18th of May, at Barren Hill, situated about 
midway between the encampments at Valley Forge 
and Philadelphia. 

Intelligence of this was instantly communicated 
to Sir William Howe. The Marquis had chosen his 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 71 

position and fortified it with great care, but the 
British General found means to learn the exact num- 
ber of his men and immediately formed a plan to 
take him by surprise. So well laid was his scheme, 
and so confident was he of success, that on the 19th of 
May he invited a large number of ladies to meet him 
at a banquet on the following day, promising that 
they should then be introduced to the captured Mar- 
quis. The same night he dispatched General Grant 
with Sir William Erskine at the head of five thousand 
select troops, who were ordered to gain the rear of La- 
fayette, and thus intercept the passage between his 
division and the main body at Valley Forge. By a 
forced and circuitous march, Grant reached his desti- 
nation a little before sunrise ; which was about a mile 
from the Marquis, at a place where the roads fork ; — 
the one leading to his camp and the other to Matson's 
Ford, over the Schuylkill. In the course of the same 
night Sir William Howe sent General Gray with an- 
other strong division, which went up the Schuylkill, 
to a ford of the river, directly in front of the right 
flank of Lafayette. The main column led on by Sir 
William Howe, in person, then marched out of the 
city and took the direct road along the river to Bar- 
ren Hill. So secret were the operations of the Brit- 
ish General, that they entirely escaped the vigilance 
of Lafayette, and on the morning of the 20th, he 
found himself completely hemmed in by a powerful 
army ; — his retreat cut off, — his advance opposed by 
a force far stronger than his own, — and scarcely the 
faintest hope of extricating himself from the difficul- 



72 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ites with whicli he was surrounded. He had taken 
exery precaution to fortify himself against surprise, 
and could hardly credit his senses when he heard that 
the militia which he had stationed to guard one of the 
passes, through which General Gray marched, had 
left it unprotected, hy changing their post during the 
night without his order or knowledge. 

The Marquis received the tidings of his perilous 
situation, with unshaken fortitude. A wild huzza 
broke out, all along the lines, as they witnessed the 
entire calmness with which he began to plot their de- 
liverance from the perils out of which, apparently, 
they could be rescued by no human power. The three 
divisions of the British, were now moving simultan- 
eously against him, able to crush him at the first on- 
set. Still, he did not for a moment betray an emo- 
tion of dismay. A retreat was soon seen to be the 
only possible escape, and he accordingly resolved to 
re-cross the river by Matson's Ford, though he knew 
that Grant with five thousand men had possession of 
the heights, commanding the road. It was at this 
crisis that he executed one of those brilliant ma- 
noeuvres, for which he was remarkable. With the 
head of his column, he advanced boldly toward Grant 
as if to attack him, while the rear, which was par- 
tially concealed by the woods, filed off rapidly towards 
the Schuylkill. Grant, naturally supposing that the 
whole strength of Lafayette was coming against him, 
instantly halted and prepared for battle. The delay 
was just what the hunted Marquis desired — and with 
■unbounded joy he witnessed the hopeful result of his 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. '^3 

experiment. Preserving the most perfect order, he 
saw the rear of his brave regiments, gaining the point 
between the enemy's division and the stream ; and be- 
fore Grant could prevent, or even fully comprehend 
the purpose, his apparently advancing column fell 
gradually back, and joined the retreating ranks. 
The whole now reached Matson's Ford in safety; 
though it must be confessed, that so gross negligence 
on the part of the British General, can scarcely be 
accounted for, except as an interposition of Provi- 
dence. A corps of cavalry had taken possession of a 
hill, from whose elevation Lafayette was first dis- 
covered on his retreat through the low woody grounds 
which bordered the river. Even at this time. Grant 
might have intercepted the passage to the ford, but 
supposing that these were merely a detachment and 
that the main body still lay at Barren Hill, he per- 
sisted in his resolution of marching thither notwith- 
standing he was strongly opposed by Sir William 
Erskine, and other Generals of his staff. Barren 
Hill was concealed from their view by intervening 
trees, and not till they had fully arrived upon the 
ground, did they find that it was abandoned. The 
bird had escaped, notwithstanding the net had been so 
carefully set, and so warily sprung. 

Still it might not be too late. A hot pursuit was 
instantly ordered by the foiled Commander, burning 
with desire to avert the dishonor which he saw would 
fall upon his name, if his enemy were allowed thus 
easily to elude his grasp. But before he reached 
Hatson's Ford, Lafayette had crossed safely the river, 



74 LIFE OF GENERAL 

and made a stand upon the heights on the opposite 
side. So advantageous was his position, that General 
Grant did not venture to meet him ; and overwhelmed 
with mortification, he wheeled to join the other forces, 
and return to head quarters, having accomplished 
nothing. " Finding the bird flown," says Chastel- 
leux, "' the English returned to Philadelphia, spent 
with fatigue and ashamed of having done nothing. 
The ladies did not see M. de Lafayette, and General 
Howe himself arrived too late for supper." 

The joy with which Lafayette was greeted at Val- 
ley Forge after his escape, knew no bounds. General 
Washington embraced him, and complimented him in 
the highest terms. His danger had been seen with 
glasses, and he had been watched with intense in- 
terest, till it was fully known that he had passed the 
Ford. Loud acclamations saluted him, as his gallant 
troops, with inconsiderable loss, filed into the camp; 
and from that moment, his influence over the men he 
commanded became unlimited. He lived in their 
hearts, and few officers in the American army claimed 
a profounder admiration or warmer regard. 

Soon after this exploit Lafayette received tidings 
of the death of Henriette, his eldest, and at the time 
he left France, his only daughter. The warm emo- 
tions of affection, which a soldier's life could not 
chill, are thus expressed in an extract from a letter to 
his wife, dated June 16th, 1Y78. . . " What a dread- 
ful thing is absence ! I never experienced before all 
the horrors of separation. My own deep sorrow is 
aggravated by the feeling that I am not able to share 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. % 

and sympathize in jour anguish. The length of 
time that had elapsed before I heard of this event had 
also increased my misery. Consider, my love, v^hat 
a dreadful thing it must be to v^^eep for what I have 
lost, and tremble for what remains. The distance be- 
tween Europe and America appears to me more enor- 
mous than ever. The loss of our poor child is al- 
most constantly in my thoughts. This sad news fol- 
lowed almost immediately that of the treaty, and 
while my heart was torn by grief, I was obliged to 
receive and take part in expressions of public joy. 

" If the unfortunate news had reached me sooner, 
I should have set out immediately to rejoin you; — 
but the account of the treaty, which we received the 
first of May, prevented me from leaving this country. 
The opening campaign does not allow me to retire. 
I have always been perfectly convinced that by serv- 
ing the cause of humanity and that of America, I 
serve also the interests of France." 

About this time dispatches reached Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, who by the resignation and departure for Eng- 
land of General Howe, was left Commander-in-Chief 
of the British forces, ordering him to evacuate Phila- 
delphia. The assistance which France had decided 
to render America, and the naval force which was 
fitting out at Toulon for this object, made Philadel- 
phia a dangerous j)ost, and induced the Ministry to 
withdraw the army from the Delaware. Washington 
was early apprised of these movements, and when on 
the morning of the 18th of June, the British defiled 
out of the city, he was prepared to act accordingly. 



t6 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Judging tliat General Clinton was expecting to reacli 
New York by land, across the Jerseys, Washington 
had previously endeavored to impede his way by 
breaking down the principal bridges, and placing ob- 
structions in the roads through which he would have 
to pass. At this crisis a council of war was held at 
Valley Forge, upon the propriety of hazarding a gen- 
eral engagement. A wide diversity of opinion pre- 
vailed. General Lee, whose opinion carried great 
weight, was vehement against risking either a general 
or partial battle. General Du Portail, a French offi- 
cer of distinction, the Baron de Steuben and most of 
the foreign officers took the same ground, and main- 
tained that an action ought to be carefully avoided. 
A majority of the American generals were influenced 
by their counsels; and of seventeen, in all, only 
Wayne and Cadwallader were decidedly in favor of 
attacking the enemy. Lafayette, however, was in- 
clined to this latter opinion, but without openly avow- 
ing it ; and General Greene was also disposed to ven- 
ture more than the views of the greater number would 
sanction. Washington for weighty reasons desired 
an action, but the voice of the majority prevailed, 
though not without evident dissatisfaction to him. 

Determined to follow the foe on their march, he 
left Valley Forge the same day that they deserted 
Philadelphia and crossing the river at Coryell's 
Ferry, made a stand at Hopewell. On the 24th of 
the month, another council of war was held at this 
place, in which, after stating the relative strength and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 77 

position of the two armies, the Commander-in-Chief 
proposed the following questions : 

" Will it be advisable for us, of choice, to hazard a 
general action ? If it is, should we do it by imme- 
diately making a general attack upon the enemy, by 
attempting a partial one, or by taking such a position, 
if it can be done, as may oblige them to attack us ? 
If it is not, what measures can be taken, with safety 
to this army, to annoy the enemy in their march ? In 
fine, what precise line of conduct will it be advisable 
for us to pursue ? " 

In this consultation, as in the first, Lee made a 
strenuous opposition to a general encounter. Being 
next to Washington in rank, and moreover a General 
of great experience, his arguments and opinions had 
much influence over the younger officers present. It 
was finally decided that an attack was not advisable, 
but that '' a detachment of fifteen hundred men be 
immediately sent to act, as occasion may serve, on the 
enemy's left flank and rear, in conjunction with the 
other Continental infantry and militia, who are al- 
ready hanging about them, and that the main body 
preserve a relative position, so as to be able to act as 
circumstances may require." This decision was lit- 
tle to the taste of Washington. Lafayette had ex- 
pressed his opinion precisely, when in the latter coun- 
cil he contended " that it would be disgraceful to the 
officers and humiliating for the troops, to allow the 
enemy to traverse the Jerseys unmolested ; that with- 
out running an imprudent risk, the rear guard at 
least of the British might be attacked ; that it was best 



78 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to follow the enemy, manoeuvre with prudence, and 
take advantage of circumstances, even to the hazard 
of a general battle." After the decision, Lafayette 
and Wayne strongly represented to Washington the 
inefficiency of the designated force, and urged the ap- 
pointment of additional men. As this coincided with 
the Commander's view, he promptly resolved to act in 
conformity therewith, and even to risk a conflict if 
unforeseen circumstances should not prevent. 

Washington accordingly entered upon prompt 
measures. General Dickenson with the Jersey mil- 
itia consisting of about one thousand men, and Max- 
well with his brigade already hung on the enemy's 
left flank towards their rear. General Cadwallader 
with Jackson's regiment were behind, while Colonel 
Morgan with his six hundred tried soldiers, was ready 
to harass them on their right. Fifteen hundred men 
ordered by the last council of war, had also been 
marched forward to the lines under command of Brig- 
adier-General Scott. Firmly fixed in his purpose, to 
bring on an engagement if possible, Washington now 
sent Wayne with a further division of one thousand 
select troops to reinforce General Cadwallader. This 
swelled the continental battalions in front of the 
enemy to between four and five thousand ; and as the 
simultaneous action of these was of the highest im- 
portance, Washington deemed it proper that a Major- 
General should be entrusted with their supreme com- 
mand. This duty would naturally have fallen to 
Lee, but as he was totally opposed to the course taken, 
Lafayette went to Washington and offered himself tQ 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. ^^9 

lead the attacking division. Washington referred 
him to Lee, who very readily assented to the offer of 
the Marquis, saying that he disapproved of the plans 
of the Commander-in-Chief, that he was sure they 
would fail, and that he was willing to be relieved from 
any responsibility in carrying them into execution. 
Upon this, Washington had no hesitation in confer- 
ring the command upon Lafayette. It was an im- 
portant post but the keen insight of Washington had 
not mistaken his man. Young as he was the Marquis 
had already inspired a confidence in his bravery, pru- 
dence, and skill, which was both flattering and mer- 
ited. He was ordered to proceed immediately with 
the detachment under General Poor, and form a 
junction speedily as possible with the one which had 
just been sent forward under Scott. " You are to 
use," says Washington in his instructions, " the most 
effectual means for gaining the enemy's left flank and 
rear, and giving them every means of annoyance. 
All continental parties, that are already on the lines, 
will be under your command, and you will take such 
measures, in concert with General Dickenson, as will 
cause the enemy the greatest impediment and loss in 
their march. For these purposes you will attack 
them as occasion may require by detachment, and, if a 
proper opening should be given, b}' operating against 
them with the whole force of your command. You 
will naturally take such precautions as will secure you 
against surprise, and maintain your communication 
with this army." But no sooner had Lafayette left 
than Lee began to repent of having declined the com- 



80 LIFE OF GENERAL 

mission. He wrote to Washington setting forth his 
changed views, and soliciting in the most urgent man- 
ner that he might yet he entrusted with the appoint- 
ment. Here was a new difficulty. Washington had 
already given it to Lafayette, and he could not recall 
it without danger of offending him ; and he could not 
refuse the present entreaty of Lee without giving 
umbrage to that General. There was, however, an 
obvious impropriety in withdrawing the command so 
soon, and this was accordingly represented to Lee, 
The latter then appealed to Lafayette. He told him 
of the position in which he was placed, and of the 
partial glance which he had bestowed on the subject, 
when he declined. Lee evidently saw that his reputa- 
tion might be impaired when his opposition to the ac- 
tion would be connected with the fact that he after- 
wards refused to take the command of a strong divi- 
sion which (it was expected, would meet and engage 
the rear of the enemy. " My fortune and honor," 
he wrote to Lafayette, '' are placed in your hands ; — 
you are too generous to cause the loss of both." La- 
fayette was pleased with the post, and was at first un- 
willing to relinquish it. But the repeated entreaties 
of Lee, and his appeals to his generosity and magna- 
nimity, at length gained the point, and he wrote to 
Washington, assuring him that if it was believed 
necessary or useful to the good of the service and the 
honor of General Lee, to send him down with a couple 
of thousand men, or any greater force, he would 
cheerfully obey and serve him, not only out of duty, 
but out of the respect he owed to that officer's char- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 81 

acter. Upon the receipt of this letter Washington 
wrote to Lee offering an expedient which he deemed 
would be satisfactory to both. He proposed that 
General Lee should march at the head of two brigades 
to support the Marquis at Englishtowu, where as 
senior officer, he would have the direction of the whole 
front section, which after he had joined it, would 
amount to over five thousand men. It was, however, 
expressly stipulated, that if any enterprise had been 
already formed by Lafayette, it should go forward 
the same as if no change were made. To this con- 
dition Lee readily acceded, and Washington there- 
upon wrote to Lafayette as follows : — " General Lee's 
uneasiness on account of yesterday's transaction, 
rather increasing than abating, and your politeness in 
wishing to ease him of it, have induced me to detach 
him from this army with a part of it, to reinforce or 
at least cover the several detachments at present under 
your command. At the same time that I felt for 
General Lee's distress of mind, I have had an eye to 
your wishes, and the delicacy of your situation ; and 
have therefore obtained a promise from him, that, 
when he gives you notice of his approach and com- 
mand, he will request you to prosecute any plan you 
may have already concerted for the purpose of at- 
tacking, or otherwise annoying the enemy. This is 
the only expedient I could think of to answer the 
views of both. General Lee seems satisfied with the 
measure, and I wish it may prove agreeable to you, as 
I am, with the warmest wishes for your honor and 



82 LIFE OF GENERAL 

glory, and with the sincerest esteem and affection, 
yours, &c." 

Sir Henry Clinton, who was not unapprised of 
these designs against him, had taken a strong post on 
the heights of Freehold, near Monmouth. Washing- 
ton saw that this was unassailable, and, aware that if 
the British were allowed to proceed twelve miles, till 
they should gain the heights of Middletown, they 
would be perfectly secure, he gave orders to General 
Lee to attack the British rear as soon as it should 
move from its present ground. 

Morning broke on the 28th of June, 1778. Wash- 
ington was in his saddle at five in the morning, listen- 
ing to the intelligence just received from General 
Dickenson, that the front of the enemy was in motion. 
" To arms ! " was sounded along the American ranks ; 
and the order was instantly dispatched to General 
Lee to advance upon the enemy, " unless there should 
be powerful reasons to the contrary." He was at the 
same time informed that Washington with the rear 
division of the American force, would be on the way 
to support him. Washington, with his usual de- 
cision, had thus prepared for combat, contrary to the 
opinion of Lee and that of the officers generally. 
The orders Lee received were prompt and urgent; 
and though his judgment demurred, now that they 
were given, it only remained for him to execute them. 
His first movements were those of ready obedience. 
Appearing upon the heights of Freehold soon after 
Lord Cornwallis had left them, he followed the enemy 
into the plain and made immediate disposition for 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 83 

the onset. Hitherto his tactics had been marked with 
skill and caution, but here he seemed to lose all pru- 
dence. He ordered Lafayette to a station where he 
was subjected to the galling fire of the English ar- 
tillery without any prospect of good, while he himself 
stood apparently uncertain what course to pursue. 
The Marquis was soon forced to retire, but nothing 
daunted, he waited a more favorable field for heroism. 
A fair opportunity seemed to offer itself, and, full of 
energy and enthusiasm, he rode up to Lee and so- 
licited permission to avail himself of it. " Sir," 
said Lee, '' you do not know British soldiers ; — we 
cannot stand against them ; — we shall certainly be 
driven back at first, and we must be cautious." This 
was far from suiting the fiery nature of the Marquis, 
and he answered with as much spirit as was becoming, 
that British soldiers had been beaten, and, it was to 
be presumed, they might be beaten again. 

At this crisis began the strangest act in that day's 
drama. Lee was supported by five thousand men, all 
panting for the conflict ; and though he knew he 
could trust in their bravery to an unlimited extent, 
and that Washington who earnestly desired battle was 
already bringing forward the whole army to his sup- 
port, yet after the slightest skirmishing, before any 
advantage had been gained on either side, he ordered 
a retreat. Lafayette was enraged but could not dis- 
obey. He instantly dispatched a messenger to Wash- 
ington, informing him of the state of affairs, and 
earnestly beseeching him to hasten to the scene of re- 
treat ; who saw the condition of things at a glance, and 



84 LIFE OF GENERAL 

instantly rode forward. He was not, however, pre- 
pared for the whole scene. Every where there was 
the appearance of disorder and confusion. General 
Dickenson, with his division of militia on the left 
flank of the British, had been utterly routed, and was 
flying over the plain in dismay, with no effort from 
Lee to check the retreat. Lafayette seemed every 
where present among his troops, and as he could not 
prevent flight, he struggled nobly to save the army 
from a total rout. Lee had ordered back the whole 
force under his command, and Washington gave ut- 
terance to a storm of indignation, when he met them 
fleeing before the enemy, without having made an en- 
deavor to maintain their ground. Riding up to Gen- 
eral Lee, he accosted that officer in tones of cutting 
severity and disapprobation ; and then set himself 
with a superhuman activity at work, to retrieve the 
disasters of the morning. A look at his calm, ma- 
jestic figure, at this moment, sitting upon his white 
horse, covered with dust and foam, and casting his 
eagle eye over the field where almost beneath the ban- 
ners of the exulting foe, the regiments were retreat- 
ing, sent a thrill of returning hope, like an electric 
current, along the broken ranks. 

A new courage rose throughout the smitten host 
when they found the Commander-in-Chief was pres- 
ent to guide the terrible strife, the rest of that fatal 
day. " Never," said Lafayette to Marshal — '" never 
was General Washington greater in war than in this 
action. His presence stopped the retreat. His dis- 
positions fixed the victory. His fine appearance oil 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 85 

horseback, his calm courage roused by the animation 
produced by the vexation of the morning, gave him 
the air best calculated to excite enthusiasm." The 
day was oppressively sultry, and the heat was at 96 
deg. Fahrenheit. Not a breath of air lifted the 
drooping colors, or stirred the plumes around the 
throbbing temples of the soldiers, while the charge 
was sounded, and the flying companies wheeled to 
face the deadly sweep of their pursuers. Order be- 
gan to smile upon the chaos of the continental bri- 
gades, and " Long live Washington ! " was heard 
above the thunder of artillery, repeated by unnum- 
bered lips parched with thirst, and pallid with wear- 
iness. That single man, by the quiet might of his 
splendid genius, turned back the tide of war upon the 
enemy with astonishing haste, and under a wasting 
fire. His white charger amid the deepening smoke 
of battle, was like the shining cross to the crusaders, 
when Jerusalem lay at their feet, and they were sink- 
ing beneath the fierce and vastly outnumbering foe. 
The columns pressed steadily up to the blaze of can- 
non ; and many a brave fellow fell unpierced by the 
hail of death, gasping for water, and yet struggling to 
follow his leader back to the scene of carnage. 

The entire aspect of that field was now changed. 
Colonel Stewart and Lieutenant Colonel Ramsay, 
w^ere sent with their regiments to an important point 
on the left, to sustain the shock of the advancing 
enemy there. Lee, with the remainder of the force, 
was directed to command the front, arrayed again for 
the furious onset, while Washington galloped away to 



86 LIFE OF GENERAL 

bring his own division up to the desperate encounter. 
Lee, stung with the reproaches of his General, nat- 
urally extremely sensitive in regard to his honor, 
was fully aroused to wipe off the morning's disgrace. 
He could fight with unrivaled courage, if he willed, 
and was indeed a brave officer. He dashed into the 
contest with bitter determination, and though com- 
pelled to yield, he retired in fine order and with cour- 
ageous resistance to the last. Washington soon ap- 
peared, and then followed the wild uproar and falling 
ranks of wide and sanguinary battle. Each army 
poured into the bosom of the other a tempest of bul- 
lets, while the batteries grew hot from rapid dis- 
charges, which opened a momentary gape through 
living men ; and upon all beat the scorching sun of 
that 8ahhath day. 

General Greene commanded the right wing of the 
first line, Lord Sterling the left, and Lafayette led on 
the second line. The impetuous charge forced the 
British back in front, and, attempting to turn on the 
left, were here also repulsed. Wheeling to the right, 
Sir Henry Clinton now bore down upon General 
Greene, who met the attack as a rock flings back the 
wave. He had sent a body of troops with artillery 
to a commanding elevation, which now operated with 
so much effect, that he not only foiled the present at- 
tempt of Clinton, but completely enfiladed the divi- 
sion which yet remained in front of the left wing. 
Sir Henry had, therefore, no resort but to withdraw 
behind a marshy ravine, on the ground which he had 
occupied before the commencement of the battle. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 87 

Arrangements were immediately made for attacking 
him there, but the excessive heat, the fatigue of the 
soldiers, and the approach of night, dissuaded Wash- 
ington, and he accordingly issued his orders to desist. 
Lafayette had been in his saddle and incessantly ac- 
tive since four in the morning, displaying the utmost 
coolness, and sharing every where in the toils and 
dangers of the day. Nothing could intimidate him, 
nothing appeared to weary him ; but with a bearing 
ever high and heroic, he passed unscathed amid the 
rage of that battle-storm. " I have been charmed," 
said an officer under his immediate command, " with 
the blooming gallantry, and sagacity, of the Marquis 
de Lafayette, who appears to be possessed of every 
requisite to constitute a great General." This praise 
of his prudence, and skill, and courage, was universal 
in the army. 

An incident of this battle connected with Lafay- 
ette is found in the '' Historical Anecdotes of the 
reign of Louis XVL" It is related as follows; — 
" During the American War, a General officer, in the 
service of the United States, advanced, with a score 
of men, under the English batteries, to reconnoitre 
their position. His aid-de-camp, struck by a ball, 
fell at his side while the officers and orderly dragoons 
■fled precipitately. The General, though under the 
fire of the cannon, approached the wounded man to 
see whether he had any signs of life remaining, or 
whether any assistance could be afforded him. Find- 
ing the wound had been mortal, he turned his eyes 
away with emotion, and slowly rejoined the group 



88 LIFE OF GENERAL 

which had got out of the reach of the pieces. This 
instance of courage and humanity took place at the 
battle of Monmouth. General Clinton, who com- 
manded the English troops, knew that the Marquis 
de Lafayette generally rode a white horse; — and it 
was upon a white horse that the General officer, who 
retired so slowly, was mounted. Sir Henry Clinton, 
therefore, commanded the gunners not to fire. This 
noble forbearance probably saved General Lafayette's 
life, for it was he himself. At that time he was but 
twenty-two years of age." Such was the battle of 
Monmouth. 

Washington and Lafayette passed the night upon 
the field of strife, in the folds of the same mantle, 
worn by the former. In the morning when they arose, 
the enemy had departed. At midnight they had left 
their camp and fled with such secrecy that no knowl- 
edge of the fact was communicated to the Americans 
till day-break, by which time they were beyond the 
reach of their disappointed enemy. Washington, 
though he had hoped for a renewal of the engagement, 
saw the folly of pursuit, and quietly allowed his army 
to rest upon the field. 

On the Tth of July the French force, which La- 
fayette had so anxiously solicited, arrived off the 
Capes of Delaware. It consisted of twelve ships of 
the line and six frigates, having on board a respecta- 
ble body of land forces, and was commanded by the 
Count d'Estaing, a French nobleman of some dis- 
tinction. He had sailed from Toulon on the 13th of 
April and made his point of destination the Dela- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 89 

ware, hoping to find the British fleet in that river, 
and their army in Philadelphia. Adverse winds had, 
however, protracted his voyage across the Atlantic, 
till the English fleet and army, warned of his ap- 
proach, had made good their escape. Upon learning 
this, the next plan of d'Estaing was to make an attack 
upon New York, but this he was induced to abandon 
by the representations of the pilots, that it would be 
impossible to pass the bar at Sandy Hook, with his 
heavy ships. A combined enterprise against the 
enemy at Rhode Island, was next planned. D'Es- 
taing sailed for Newport, and Lafayette with two 
brigades was to join at Providence General Sullivan, 
who commanded the American forces in Rhode Is- 
land. 

The prospects of the Revolutionary arms were 
again bright. All over the land rang the shouts of 
enthusiastic welcome, to the forces sent by a monarch 
to cheer and sustain the suffering cohort of freedom. 
Adulation and praise were lavished upon them from 
every quarter, and in many bosoms joy succeeded the 
sadness of deep despondency. The Count came to 
anchor off Newport on the 25th of July. His earnest 
manner of proceeding increased the universal glad- 
ness, which his arrival awakened, and he seemed in- 
clined to throw his whole strength into the struggle, 
and ready to carry forward any project that energy 
and wisdom could suggest. 

The character of Count d'Estaing has been mis- 
represented, and perhaps hardly understood. We 



90 LIFE OF GENERAL 

shall endeavor to unfold it somewhat particularly, in 
our account of succeeding transactions. 

On the 21st of July, Lafayette with two brigades 
was ordered to join General Sullivan at Providence. 
Before arriving there, the French fleet had appeared 
at ]S"ewport, and impatient of delay, d'Estaing imme- 
diately concerted with Sullivan, the course of action, 
without waiting for the reinforcements. The Count 
was all ardor, and with Gallic zeal in haste for the 
contest. We apprehend that the only law of his char- 
acter which offers to us a satisfactory solution to the 
problem of his after history, is found in his ardent na- 
ture and consequent restiveness under restraint. His 
long passage, while it had soured his temper, had also 
strongly increased his desire for a signal achievement, 
now that he had arrived on the field of display. The 
delay of the expected force, though unavoidable, of- 
fered a temporary barrier to his progress, and was 
exceedingly displeasing to him. 

A plan was, however, agreed upon, which promised 
important results in future success. As soon as La- 
fayette and his division were there, its execution was 
immediately determined upon. The British with a 
force 6,000 strong, occupied ISTewport, and this 
stronghold became the grand object of the allies. 
Here was the arena of conflict. Towards ISTarragan- 
sett Bay were turned the anxious eyes of friends and 
foes of American liberty. Washington, at White 
Plains, having sent out an additional force, waited 
with solicitude for the issue; while the English Ad- 
miral closely followed the fleet, to that port. Geii- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 91 

eral Pigot, who commanded the troops in Rhode Is- 
land, was regarded as a doomed man, when the de- 
signs against him were disclosed. Completely en- 
circled by enemies, an easy overthrow was apparent, 
yet he was not disposed to submit without resistance. 
Withdrawing the men which had been stationed on 
the north end of the island into the lines at Newport, 
he fortified himself for the expected attack. 

When he heard of this, General Sullivan resolved 
to take immediate possession of the works which the 
British had just abandoned, and on the 9th of August 
he crossed over the Sea-connet passage, and landed on 
the north end of Rhode Island.* This movement 
though perfectly just in itself, was yet the source of 
much subsequent difficulty. The Count d'Estaing 
was a Lieutenant-General at home, and as such, held 
a higher rank than Sullivan, who was only a Major- 
General. Difficulties on subjects of mere punctilio, 
to avoid which, Washington advised Sullivan to take 
every precaution, had previously arisen between 
them, although neither had given intimations of re- 
sentment. His crossing over from the main land 
before the time agreed upon for the joint attack, and 
without having communicated his purpose to d'Es- 
taing was immediately regarded disrespectful by 
him, who expressed his suspicion that the measure 
was taken with other motives than those assigned. 
A letter from Sullivan in vindication of himself, he 

* This, of course, will be understood as Rhode Island proper. 
The term was first given to this island upon which Newport 
ia situated, and afterwards applied to the State. 



92 LIFE OF GENERAL 

refused to answer, and a day that ought to have been 
devoted to action, was spent in fruitless discussion 
and recriminations. 

Towards evening of the same day, the English fleet 
which had been dispatched from New York for the 
succor of General Pigot hove in sight. A change at 
once came over Count d'Estaing. His imperious 
bearing softened, and the next morning, with favor- 
able breeze he determined to stand out to sea and give 
battle, at the same time assuring Sullivan that on his 
return, he would co-operate with him. This purpose 
displayed a great want of the highest qualities of a 
military leader. Every thing was ready for the at- 
tack upon Newport, and an energetic prosecution of 
it, was now only necessary for success. The British 
Admiral, soon as he saw the strength and position of 
the French fleet, despaired of rescuing the town, but 
dropped anchor to take advantage of any accidental 
circumstance which might arise. To throw away this 
advantage for the sake of entering upon what was at 
best a doubtful adventure, Avas the height of folly. 
Still, we are not inclined to blame d'Estaing to the 
extent many have done. It was folly, and not cow- 
ardice, or want of interest in the cause to which he 
Avas allied. He was enthusiastic and impatient, and 
that these traits blinded him is evident, from his pre- 
vious and after history. He fancied, and doubtless 
sincerely, that he could make a brilliant coup de 
main, by dispersing the hostile fleet, and afterwards 
return to capture the city. 

Sullivan's army amounted to ten thousand men, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 93 

and a council of war was called in which an imme- 
diate battle was proposed. Notwithstanding the de- 
parture of d'Estaing, it was urged that the American 
force was sufficient for the emergency, which de- 
manded the trial. Lafayette alone dissented. He 
admitted the favorable views expressed, but objected 
to the commencement of operations, before the return 
of d'Estaing. He urged that the Admiral had al- 
ready felt himself aggrieved, and that his feeling 
would be revived with keener edge if they advanced 
upon the enemy before his return, and without his 
co-operation. His advice, therefore, was, that they 
should take a position near ISTewport till the Count 
should be ready to act with them. Time, however, 
was of so much importance to a body of troops or- 
ganized as the continental army was, that the opposite 
counsels prevailed, and it was decided to open the 
trenches and begin the siege without delay. 

Preparations, therefore, went briskly forward. 
Fifty rounds of ammunition were distributed to each 
soldier, and through all the ranks were heard the 
busy notes of preparation for the contest. But, sud- 
denly, while the stirring pageant of war was moving 
to the measures of death's music, the moan of a com- 
ing tempest was heard above the tumult of the tented 
plain. The breeze increased to a gale ; the black 
clouds rose above the horizon, and rushed across the 
heavens, till the glare of noonday suddenly gave place 
to the deepest twilight. There was a pause through- 
out the camp, and impatient waiting for a calm. 
But, hour after hour, the tempest increased in fury, 



94 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the sky blackened, and the winds howled, mingling in 
wildest chaos the lighter materials of a military cam- 
paign; and at length, rending the curtains of the 
tents, scattered them like autumnal leaves. The rain 
descended in sheets, deluging the men, ammunition 
and arms. A wilder scene can scarcely he imagined. 
Over the wide field, were files of soldiers shelterless in 
the storm, around them the ruins of their white dwell- 
ings; ofiicers standing with drooping plumes, and 
their horses bracing in terror to meet the now pause- 
less hurricane that raged on ; while artillery and 
magazines were exposed to the unsparing elements, 
whose battle made the hero of the sanguinary conflict 
shrink with terror. Several perished during this 
tempest, which continued for three days with unex- 
ampled severity. 

As soon as the storm was over, and order could be 
restored, the siege was opened. This was on the 15th 
of August ; and for several days the work was vigor- 
ously prosecuted. The two fleets had sailed out of 
sight, and as no news was heard from either of them, 
the anxiety of the Americans became intense. Their 
situation was, moreover, becoming critical, since, in 
the absence of their allies, new regiments might with- 
out interruption be thrown into Newport, and not 
only defeat the enterprise, but render retreat hazar- 
dous. The re-appearance of d'Estaing on the morn- 
ing of the 19th, was hailed with peculiar joy. After 
a day or two spent in manoeuvering, he was upon the 
point of engaging with his rival, when the same 
storm which had made the terrible havoc on shore, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 95 

swept the shipping and instantly dispersed the ves- 
sels, leaving them at the end of forty-eight hours, to-> 
tally unfit for action. The British fleet sailed back 
to New York. 

The hopes excited by the return of d'Estaing were 
soon to be most lamentably dispelled. He wrote to 
Sullivan stating that in pursuance of the orders of his 
King, and the advice of all his officers, he was about 
to sail for Boston to repair the damage done by the 
tempest. His instructions were to repair to Boston 
if any accident should happen to his fleet, or a su- 
perior British force should appear off the coast. This 
design excited universal indignation in the camp. 
The accents of applause which had greeted the arrival 
of d'Estaing were at once exchanged for bitter exe- 
crations ; and through the army ran the murmur of 
disapprobation. With the fleet, they had calculated 
with confidence on a brilliant termination of the ex- 
pedition ; without it, their efforts were useless. Sulli- 
van was in despair, though he could hardly believe 
that the Count would desert them in a moment so 
critical, did he understand the precise nature of their 
situation. Generals Greene and Lafayette were ac- 
cordingly dispatched with a letter, and directed to use 
their utmost efforts to induce him to reconsider. 
" They represented to him the certainty of carrying 
the garrison if he would co-operate with them only 
two days, urged the impolicy of exposing the fleet at 
sea, in its present condition, represented the port of 
Boston as equally insecure with that of Newport, and 
added that the expedition had been undertaken oa 



96 LIFE OF GENERAL 

condition that the French fleet and army should co- 
operate with them; — that, confiding in this co-opera- 
tion, they had brought stores into the island to a 
great amount, and that to abandon the enterprise in 
the present state of things, would be a reproach and a 
disgrace to their arms. To be deserted at such a 
critical moment, would have a pernicious influence on 
the American people, and would furnish their do- 
mestic foes, as well as the common enemy, with the 
means of animadverting severely on their prospects 
from an alliance with those who could abandon them, 
under circumstances such as the present. They con- 
cluded with wishing that the utmost harmony and 
confidence might subsist between the two nations, and 
especially between their officers; — and entreated the 
Admiral, if any personal indiscretions had appeared 
in conducting the expedition, not to permit them to 
prejudice the common cause." 

These points and others were presented and pressed 
with the earnestness of pleading necessity. The Mar- 
quis, especially, besought him on his honor as a 
Frenchman and as a man, not to abandon the cause he 
had espoused, in such hazardous extreme. It was, 
however, in vain ; the Count positively refused to lis- 
ten. We cannot agree with those who represent 
d'Estaing as impelled to his singular course through 
pique at Sullivan, for acting without consultation 
with himself. This idea appears absurd. D'Es- 
taing himself would have coveted the renown attend- 
ing the capture of ISTewport, and would eagerly have 
joined the American forces in attempting it, had no 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 97 

other reason interfered. Lafayette was doubtless 
right in his conjecture. D'Estaing was properly a 
land officer, and his naval subordinates were dissatis- 
fied with his appointment. The Marquis saw that 
they were his enemies and determined to thwart any 
plan which would give him a famous exploit. Hence, 
he supposes, and with great probability, that, appeal- 
ing to the strict letter of the Count's instructions, they 
unanimously opposed deviation from them. What- 
ever might have been his own preference, he could not 
disregard both of these claims, and was consequently 
driven to the alternative which was taken. Nor can 
we doubt that his own desire was to remain. General 
Greene was of this opinion. Upon the return of the 
latter with Lafayette, Sullivan determined to make 
one more effort to secure the Admiral's aid. In this, 
his solicitude blinded his judgment. A protest con- 
taining expressions which he ought to have known 
would be offensive, was signed by the officers except 
Lafayette, and dispatched with a letter, beseeching 
him to change his plans. D'Estaing was, of course, 
highly incensed by the protest, and sailed directly for 
Boston. 

Sullivan, now thrown upon his own resources, 
called a council of war and proposed an assault upon 
the garrison, provided five thousand men who had 
seen nine months' service could be obtained. The 
militia were, however, so discouraged by the depar- 
ture of the fleet, tliat the number could not be pro- 
cured. They had begun to desert, and in a few days 
the army was reduced to only five thousand. It was 

7 



9^ LIFE OF GENERAL 

determined to break up their fortifications, and await 
the result of another endeavor to prevail upon d'Es- 
taing to hasten back. Lafayette used all his tact and 
persuasion to remove the prejudice against the French 
alliance, caused by the desertion of d'Estaing. His 
unbounded popularity gave him favor every where, 
and words of conciliation were received from him 
with deference, which would have been rejected with 
contempt from another source. Perhaps nowhere 
does his devotion to the Colonies shine more purely 
than in these transactions. The French officers, be- 
sides him, were generally inclined to take part with 
their countrymen, and were incensed by the re- 
proaches of the continental troops. Lafayette was 
unwearied as a peace-maker between the two. He 
poured oil upon the troubled waters of discontent, 
soothing one party and softening the asperity of the 
other, in his meditation to bring union and harmony 
again. He was the sun shining through the angry 
storm, and dropping the rain-bow of peace upon its 
threatening brow. 

After the army had been drawn off to the north 
part of the island, Lafayette advised a farther retreat 
to the main land. This being delayed, he was sent to 
Boston, to make the desired reconciliation and co-op- 
eration with d'Estaing. Absorbed with his mission, 
traveling all night, he arrived just in time to see the 
corps of officers enter the city to attend a public din- 
ner, which had been tendered them by the civil and 
military authorities there. After the festival, a 
council was held, in which Lafayette proposed hia 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 99 

object, and brought all his influence to restore the 
friendly relations so seriously interrupted. He was 
eminently successful, and d'Estaing, after assuring 
the Marquis of the crippled condition of his fleet, of- 
fered to march in person with his troops to Newport. 

But before this arrangement could be made, La- 
fayette received intelligence that Sir Henry Clinton 
had arrived at J^ewport, and the American army was 
flying before the enemy. Here was action, and with- 
out a moment's delay, he started for the scene. Pie 
traveled the whole distance, (eighty miles,) in less 
than eight hours, and arrived at Howland's Ferry on 
the Sea-connet passage, just as the troops were cross- 
ing it. One moment was spent in a rapid survey, and 
then he threw himself into the arena of danger and of 
glory. His post was chosen when he perceived the 
rear guard, composed of a thousand men, still upon 
the island and surrounded. He placed himself at 
their head, and his clear voice of command rising 
above the roar of conflict, made the hearts of that 
despairing band leap with hope and courage. Sulli- 
van had conducted the affair with great skill; and 
with one of his magical strokes, Lafayette turned the 
tide of pursuit, while his ranks poured down in regu- 
lar files to the Ferry, and passed safely over amid the 
acclamations of their comrades upon the opposite 
shore. Not a man was lost. 

Thus closed the expedition against Newport. It 
was undertaken with unusual promise, and its unsuc- 
cessful close produced a proportionate chagrin. The 
cause of the failure was charged entirely upon 
L.ofC. 



100 LIFE OF GENERAL 

d'Estaing throughout the country, and has been re- 
iterated by succeeding historians, who have accused 
him of want of fidelity to the American Flag. We 
have endeavored to give a faithful and fair narration, 
from which the reader can draw his own inferences. 
Our own opinion is, that the accusation has no foun- 
dation whatever. Congress passed a resolution ex- 
pressing their approbation of the Count's conduct, 
and directed the President to assure him that they 
entertained the highest sense of his zeal and attach- 
ment. 

The conduct of Lafayette met with universal 
praise. He received many testimonials of approba- 
tion, but none more welcome than the following Res- 
olution passed by Congress on the 9th of September : 

" Resolved, That Mr. President be requested to 
inform the Marquis de Lafayette, that Congress have 
a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his personal 
feelings in undertaking a journey to Boston, with a 
view of promoting the interest of these States, at a 
time when an occasion was daily expected of his ac- 
quiring glory in the field, and that his gallantry in 
going on Rhode Island, when the greatest part of the 
army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing 
off the pickets and out sentinels, deserve their particu- 
lar approbation." Mr. Laurens, who was then Presi- 
dent of Congress, accompanied this resolution with 
the following letter : 

Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1778. 
" SiE, — I experience a high degree of satisfaction 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 101 

in fulfilling the instructions embraced in the en- 
closed act of Congress of the ninth instant, which ex- 
presses the sentiments of the representatives of the 
United States of x\merica, relative to jour excellent 
conduct during the expedition recently undertaken 
against Rhode Island. Receive, Sir, this testimonial 
on the part of Congress as a tribute of respect and 
gratitude, offered to you by a free people. 

'' I have the honor to be with very great respect and 
esteem, Sir, your obedient and most humble servant, 
" Henry Laurens, President." 

Lafayette replied as follows : 

" Camp, Sept. 23, 17YS. 

" Sir, — I have just received the letter of the 13th 
instant with which you have favored me, and in which 
you communicate the honor which Congress has been 
pleased to confer by the adoption of its flattering 
resolution. Whatever sentiments of pride may be 
reasonably excited by such marks of approbation, I 
am not the less sensible of the feelings of gratitude, 
nor of the satisfaction of believing that my efforts 
have, in some measure, been considered as useful to a 
cause in which my heart is so deeply interested. 
Have the goodness. Sir, to present to Congress my 
unfeigned and humble thanks, springing from the 
bottom of my heart, and accompanied with the assur- 
ances of my sincere and perfect attachment, as the 
only homage worthy of being offered to the represen- 
tatives of a free people. 

" From the moment that I first heard the name of 



102 LIFE OF GENERAL 

America, I loved her; — from the moment that I 
learned her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed with 
the desire of shedding my blood in her cause ; and the 
moments that may be expended in her service, when- 
ever they may occur, or in whatever part of the world 
I may be, shall be considered as the happiest of my 
existence. I feel more ardently than ever, the desire 
of deserving the obliging sentiments with v/hich I am 
honored by the United States, and by their representa- 
tives, and the flattering confidence which they have 
been pleased to repose in me, has filled my heart with 
the liveliest gratitude and most lasting affection." 

After the retreat, Lafayette was entrusted by Sul- 
livan with the care of Warren, Bristol, and the east- 
ern shore of Rhode Island. From the camp he 
writes to Washington : " I am to defend a country 
with a very few troops, who are not able to defend 
more than a single point. I cannot answer that the 
enemy will not go and do what they please — for I 
am not able to prevent them — with only a part of 
their army, and yet this part must not land far from 
me ; but I answer, that if they come with equal or not 
very superior forces to those I may collect, we shall 
flog them pretty well ; at least I hope so. My situa- 
tion, appears to be uncertain, for we expect soon 
to hear from your excellency. . . You know Mr. 
Touzard, a gentleman of my family — ^he met 
with a terrible accident in the last action. With the 
greatest excess of bravery, he ran before all the 
others to take a piece of cannon in the midst 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, 103 

of the enemj, when he was immediately covered 
with their shots, had his horse killed, and his right 
arm shattered to pieces. He was happy enough not 
to fall into their hands, and his life is not despaired 
of. Congress was going to send him a commission of 
Major. 

" Give me joy, my dear General, I intend to have 
your picture. Mr. Hancock has promised me a copy 
of the one he has in Boston. He gave one to Count 
d'Estaing, and I never saw a man so glad at possess- 
ing his sweetheart's picture as the Admiral was to 
receive yours." 

The reply of Washington is interesting and we ex- 
tract the following: "The sentiments of affection 
and attachment which breathe so conspicuously in 
all your letters to me, are at once pleasing and honor- 
able, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the 
happiness of my acquaintance with you. Your love 
of liberty, the just sense you entertain of this val- 
uable blessing, and your noble and disinterested exer- 
tions in the cause of it, added to the innate goodness 
of your heart, conspire to render you dear to me; — 
and I think myself happy in being linked with you 
in bonds of the strictest friendship. 

" The ardent zeal which you have displayed during 
the whole course of the campaign to the eastward, and 
your endeavors to cherish harmony among the officers 
of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfavorable 
impressions which had begun to take place in the 
minds of the unthinking, from misfortunes, which the 
utmost stretch of human foresight could not avert, de- 



104: LIFE OF GENERAL 

served, and now receive, my particular and warmest 
thanks. I am sorry for Mons. Touzard's loss of an 
arm in the action on Rhode Island; — and offer my 
thanks to him, through you, for his gallant behavior 
on that day. 

" Could I have conceived that my picture had been 
an object of your wishes, or in the smallest degree 
worthy of your attention, I should, while Mr. Peale 
was in the camp at Valley Forge, have got him to take 
the best portrait of me he could, and presented it to 
you; — but I really had not so good an opinion of my 
own worth, as to suppose that such a compliment 
would not have been considered as a greater instance 
of my vanity, than means of your gratification ; and, 
therefore, when you requested me to sit to Monsieur 
Lanfang, I thought it was only to obtain the outlines 
and a few shades of my features, to have some prints 
struck from." 

Lafayette's position at Bristol was ill-suited to his 
nature. He had, indeed, to be incessantly engaged, 
but it was not the kind of activity he liked. To de- 
fend himself and the surrounding country from the 
marauding attacks of British squadrons, was not 
enough for him. His force did not allow him to 
make a heavy blow, and skirmishes, which could give 
no advantage to either side, were uninviting. JSTews 
reached him of important transactions in France 
which rekindled his flagging excitement. Advices 
from the Duke d'Ayen, his father-in-law, apprised 
him that the ministry were planning a descent upon 
England ; and created an intense desire to revisit his 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 105 

country. '' My great object in wishing to return," 
he writes d'Ayen, " is the idea of a descent upon 
England. I should consider myself as almost dis- 
honored, if I were not present at such a moment. 1 
should feel so much regret and shame, that I should 
be tempted to drown or hang myself according to the 
English mode. My greatest happiness would be to 
drive them from this country, and then to repair to 
England, serving under your command. This is a 
very delightful project ; — God grant it may be real- 
ized." Other causes conspired to foster his inten- 
tion. The difficulties here were exciting, and he 
feared the influence of the exaggerated reports which 
might reach the French court. He wished, moreover, 
to see the alliance placed upon a firmer basis, and be- 
lieved that his influence would be conducive to this 
consummation. His heart too, throbbed with a gen- 
tler sympathy as he thought of his wife and child, and 
distant home. A hasty visit to d'Estaing at Boston, 
settled his purpose ; for he there saw that there were 
weighty matters affecting the interests of both na- 
tions which he could best lay before the ministry in 
person. Returning to Bristol he solicited permission 
to visit the Commander-in-Chief at Head Quarters, to 
consult with him respecting his intended absence. 
Permission was accordingly granted, and Lafayette 
repaired to his revered friend at Fishkill. Washing- 
ton, from motives of unfeigned friendship, as well 
as from a regard to his country's good, was very de- 
sirous of preserving Lafayette's connection with the 
army, and accordingly, while he made no objections 



106 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to his departure, advised him to solicit from Con- 
gress an unlimited leave of absence, rather than to 
present his resignation. The following letter upon 
the subject was written to the President of Congress. 

" Head Quarters, October 6, 1Y78. 

" Sir, — This letter will be presented to you by 
Major General Lafayette. The generous motives 
which formerly induced him to cross the ocean, and 
serve in the armies of the United States, are known 
to Congress. The same praise-worthy reasons now 
urge him to return to his native country, which, under 
existing circumstances, has a claim to his services. 

" However anxious he was to fulfill the duty which 
he owes to his King and country, that powerful con- 
sideration could not induce him to leave this conti- 
nent, while the fate of the campaign remains unde- 
cided. He is, therefore, determined to remain until 
the termination of the present campaign, and takes 
advantage of the present cessation from hostilities to 
communicate his designs to Congress, so that the 
necessary arrangements may be made at a convenient 
season, while he is at hand, if occasion should offer, to 
distinguish himself in the army. 

'' At the same time, the Marquis, being desirous 
of preserving his connection with this country, and 
hoping that he may enjoy opportunities of being use- 
ful to it, as an American officer, only solicits leave 
of absence, for the purpose of embracing the views 
wdiich have been already suggested. The pain which 
it costs me to separate from an officer who possesses 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 107 

all the military fire of youth, with a rare maturity 
of judgment, would lead me, if the choice depended 
on my wishes, to place his absence on the footing 
which he proposes. I shall always esteem it a pleas- 
ure to be able to give those testimonials of his service 
to which they are entitled, from the bravery and con- 
duct which have distinguished him on every occasion ; 
— and I do not doubt that Congress will, in a proper 
manner, express how sensibly they appreciate his 
merits, and how much they regret his departure. I 
have the honor to be, &c. 

" George Washington." 

Bearing this letter, Lafayette proceeded to Phila- 
delphia, whence he addressed the following to the 
President of Congress : 

" Philadelphia, October 13, 1778. 
" Sir, — However attentive I ought to be not to 
employ the precious moments of Congress in the con- 
sideration of private affairs, I beg leave, with that 
confidence which naturally springs from affection and 
gratitude, to unfold to them the circumstances in 
which I am at present, situated. It is impossible to 
speak more appropriately of the sentiments which 
attach me to my own country, than in the presence of 
citizens who have done so much for their own. So 
long as I have had the power of regulating my own 
actions, it has been my pride and pleasure to fight be- 
neath the banners of America, in the defence of a 
cause, which I may dare more particularly to call 
ours, as I have shed my blood in its support. 



108 LIFE OF GENERAL 

" 'Now, Sir, that France is engaged in war, I am 
■urged, both hj duty and patriotism, to present myself 
before my sovereign, to know in what manner he may 
be pleased to employ my services. The most pleasing 
service that I can render, will be that which enables 
me to serve the common cause, among those whose 
friendships I have had the happiness to obtain, and in 
whose fortunes I participated, when your prospects 
were less bright than they now are. This motive, 
together with others which Congress will properly ap- 
preciate, induce me to request permission to return to 
my own country in the ensuing winter. So long as a 
hope remained of an active campaign, I never in- 
dulged the idea of leaving the army, — but the present 
state of peace and inaction, leads me to prefer to 
Congress this petition. If it should be pleased to 
grant my request, the arrangements for my departure 
shall be taken in such a manner, that the result of the 
campaign shall be known before they are put in exe- 
cution. I enclose a letter from his Excellency, Gen- 
eral Washington, consenting to the leave of absence 
which I wish to obtain. I flatter myself that you 
will consider me as a soldier on leave of absence, ar- 
dently wishing to rejoin his colors as well as his be- 
loved comrades. If when I return to the midst of my 
fellow citizens, it is believed that I can, in any man- 
ner, promote the prosperity of America, — if my most 
strenuous exertions can promise any useful results, I 
trust. Sir, that I shall always be considered as the 
man who has the prosperity of the United States most 
at heart, and who entertains for their representatives 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 109 

the most perfect love and esteem. I have the honor 
to be, &c., 

^' Lafayette." 
Congress acceded promptly to this request. They 
not only had a too high regard for the Marquis to re- 
fuse him, but they well knew that his vast influence 
would be exerted at the court of Versailles wholly in 
their favor, and in the present state of affairs this was 
a consideration not to be disregarded. On the 21st, 
resolutions were passed by Congress, which were com- 
municated to Lafayette by the President in the fol- 
lowing manner: 

" Philadelphia, October 24, 1778. 

" Sir, — I had the honor of presenting to Congress 
your letter, soliciting leave of absence, and I am di- 
rected by the house to express their thanks for your 
zeal in promoting that just cause in which they are 
engaged, and for the disinterested services you have 
rendered to the United States of America. In testi- 
mony of the high esteem and affection in which you 
are held by the good people of these states, as well as 
in acknowledgment of your gallantry and military 
talents, displayed on many signal occasions, their rep- 
resentatives in Congress assembled have ordered an 
elegant sword to be presented to you by the American 
minister at the court of Versailles. 

" Enclosed within the present cover will be foimd 
an act of Congress of the 21st instant authorizing 
these declarations, and granting a furlough for your 
return to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. 



110 LIFE OF GENERAL 

I pray God to bless and protect you, Sir; to conduct 
you in safety to the presence of your prince, and to 
the re-enjoyment of your family and friends. I have 
the honor to be, &c., 

" Henry Laukens, President." 

The resolutions referred to were as follows : 

1778, In Congress, October 21st, Resolved, — 
That the Marquis de Lafayette, Major-General in the 
service of the United States, have leave to go to 
France, and that he return at such time as shall be 
most convenient to him. 

" Resolved, — That the President write a letter to 
the Marquis de Lafayette, returning him the thanks 
of Congress for that disinterested zeal which led him 
to America, and for the services he has rendered to 
the United States, by the exertion of his courage and 
abilities on many signal occasions. 

" Resolved, — That the Minister Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of America at the court of Ver- 
sailles, be directed to cause an elegant sword, with 
proper devices, to be made and presented in the name 
of the United States to the Marquis de Lafayette. 

" October^, 22d, Resolved, — That the following 
letter of recommendation of the Marquis de Lafayette 
be written to the King of France : 

" To our great, faithful, and beloved friend and 
ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and ]N"a- 
varre : 

" The Marquis de Lafayette, having obtained our 
leave to return to his native country, we could not 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. Hi 

suffer him to depart without testifying our deep sense 
of his zeal, courage, and attachment. We have ad- 
vanced him to the rank of Major-General in our 
armies, which, as well by his prudent as spirited con- 
duct, he has manifestly merited. We recommend 
this young nobleman to your majesty's notice, as one 
whom we know to be wise in council, gallant in the 
field, and patient under the hardships of war. His 
devotion to his sovereign has led him in all things 
to demean himself as an American, acquiring thereby 
the confidence of these United States, your good and 
faithful friends and allies, and the affection of their 
citizens. We pray God to keep your Majesty in His 
holy protection. 

" Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of October, 
1Y78, by the Congress of the United States of N'orth 
America, your good friends and allies. 

" Henry Laurens, PresidenV^ 

In a becoming manner Lafayette acknowledged 
these testimonials, and after some days spent at Phil- 
adelphia in busy consultations upon his mission, he 
started for Boston on horseback, to meet the vessel 
fitted out for his passage. At Pishkill, which was 
near the American camp, a severe illness awaited him. 
An inflammatory fever, induced by his recent fa- 
tigues and excitement, brought him to the borders of 
the grave. For a time his life was despaired of, and 
he himself gave up the hope of recovery. General 
Washington watched over him with the solicitude of a 
father. The best medical attendance was bestowed 
upon him, and through a kind Providence his life waa 



112 LIFE OF GENERAL 

preserved. A universal gloom spread over the army 
during the dangerous moments of his illness, which 
gave place to lively demonstrations of joy at the first 
fair prospect of a favorable issue to the disease. A 
gentleman who visited him at Fishkill during his re- 
covery, thus describes his personal appearance at that 
time : " I was received by this nobleman in a polite 
and affable manner. He is just recovering from a 
fever, and is in his chair of convalescence. He is 
nearly six feet high, large, but not corpulent, being 
not more than twenty-one years of age. He is not 
very elegant in his form, his shoulders being broad 
and high, nor is there a perfect symmetry in his 
features ; his forehead is remarkably high, his nose 
large and long, eyebrows prominent and projecting 
over a fine animated hazel eye. His countenance is 
interesting and impressive. He converses in broken 
English, and displays the manners and address of an 
accomplished gentleman." 

As soon as he was able, Lafayette took leave of 
Washington, and resumed his journey early in De- 
cember. Reaching Boston on the 11th of that month, 
he found the ship in which he was to sail, not yet 
ready for sea. Meanwhile, he was sedulously em- 
ployed in preliminaries bearing upon the interests of 
both his native and adopted land. Never was Lafay- 
ette more worthy to be called " the man of two 
worlds," than when, on the 11th February, 1779, he 
sailed from Massachusetts Bay for his beloved 
France, bearing upon his great heart the welfare and 
honor of a modern republic, and an ancient kingdom. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 113 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Marquis wrote the following farewell to 
Washington. 

" On board the Alliance off Boston, Jan. 11, 
1779. 

" The sails are just going to be hoisted, my dear 
General, and I have but time to take my last leave of 
you. I may now be certain that Congress did not in- 
tend to send any thing more to me. The navy board 
and Mr. Nevil write me this morning from Boston, 
that the North River is passable, and that a gentle- 
man from camp says, he did not hear of anything like 
an express for me. All agree for certain that Con- 
gress think I am gone, and that the sooner I go the 
better. 

'' Farewell my dear General. I hope your French 
friend will ever be dear to you. I hope I shall soon 
see you again, and tell you myself with what emotion 
I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what 
affection and respect I am forever, my dear General, 
your respectful and sincere friend, — Lafayette." 

The voyage was not without its incidents and its 
perils. It was an inclement season and they encoun- 

8 



114 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tered a terrible storm when off the Banks of IsTew- 
foundland. So violent was the tempest that as night 
settled down upon the vessel already half filled with 
water, and with the main top mast blown away, few 
even of the crew expected to see the morning alive. 
When it dawned, the ship rolled upon the heavy 
swells a dismantled hulk, but the heavens were calm 
again, and the inmates of the Alliance safe. 

Another danger, however, awaited the Marquis. 
While the bark was getting ready for sea, a great dif- 
ficulty had been found in procuring sailors. D'Es- 
taing, from whom Lafayette hoped to obtain them, 
had sailed from Boston before the Marquis' arrival. 
After much difficulty, the number required was made 
up by accepting several English and Irish deserters 
and prisoners who had offered their services. It was 
a strange rough set that were thus brought together, 
but they were the best that could be found, and were 
necessarily taken. Most of them had been engaged 
in the war, and their sympathies were enlisted in the 
royal cause. The presence of Lafayette did not awe 
these seamen, but excited them the more. By a re- 
cent proclamation they would be entitled to the ship, 
could they bring it into an English port, and they had 
hardly recovered from the effects of the storm, when 
a plan was formed to murder all on board except 
Lafayette, and, taking a vessel to England, surrender 
him as a prisoner of sufficient rank to be exchanged 
for General Burgoyne. When the frigate had ar- 
rived within two hundred leagues of the coast of 
France, this plot was matured and a day and hour set 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 115 

for its execution. But before the time arrived the 
secret was discovered. It had been revealed to an 
American sailor who was promised the command of 
the ship if he would engage in it. Feigning assent 
for a time, he watched for a favorable opportunity, 
and disclosed the whole plot to the Marquis, who im- 
mediately caused thirty-one of the mutineers to be 
placed in irons for the rest of the voyage. The 
promptness and energy with which Lafayette acted 
upon this occasion effectually quelled all disaffection, 
and secured tranquillity. 

Lafayette landed at Brest in February, eight days 
after he had so effectually checked the sedition. The 
gladness with which he Avas welcomed was exceed- 
ingly flattering. He was not yet twenty-two years 
of age, but his splendid career had already given him 
a world-wide reputation. His fame had spread into 
every city and hamlet of the kingdom. On the 12th 
of February he met his wife and family at Versailles, 
and, in the rapture of their re-union, the pain of their 
sad separation was forgotten. Proceeding to Paris, 
he was for more than a week forbidden the king's 
presence as a penance for having left the realm in dis- 
obedience to his commands. This " political quaran- 
tine " was soon passed, and after a gentle reproof ho 
was admitted to the palace, and restored again to 
favor. He immediately busied himself in the accom- 
plishment of magnificent plans which he had formed 
for the benefit of America. He was almost daily 
closeted with the Prime Minister, the Count de Ver- 
gennes, astonishing that old statesman by the compre- 



116 LIFE OF GENERAL 

hensiveness of those designs, and the vigor with which 
he proposed to execute them. In the descent upon 
England which had greatly influenced his return, he 
was impatient to engage, hoping that, if successful, it 
might close the war, and bring peace at the same time 
to both France and the Colonies. 

The expedition after being duly matured, was 
abruptly abandoned by the ministry, and Lafayette 
sought a new channel for his heroism. Although no 
regular authority had been delegated to him by Con- 
gress, yet he set himself assiduously at work, to so- 
licit for their army assistance in men, money, and 
clothing. So intense was his zeal, that he offered to 
pledge his entire fortune for the present wants of the 
Kepublic. He proposed to the Count de Vergennes 
that four ships of the line with half of their crews 
should be hired for one year for the service of the 
United States, and that it should be done in the name 
of the administration ; " and as for the necessary 
funds," says he, " the government should pledge it- 
self only in case that it should exceed my fortune ! " 
A loan which the English had been negotiating in 
Holland was suddenly broken off, and Lafayette im- 
mediately besought the ministry to secure it. Writing 
to de Vergennes, he presses it earnestly upon his at- 
tention. So remarkable were his efforts, while he 
was unceasingly active for the best interests of his 
own nation, that no one wondered at his success 
abroad. An extensive correspondence was all the 
while kept up with his friends across the Atlantic. 
He strove to heal the dissensions which existed be- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. HY 

tween some of these, and to allay the party contests 
which began to embitter the national coimcils. 

The following extracts from a letter which the 
Marquis wrote to President Laurens, are interesting 
not only as showing his employment while at home, 
but as revealing the views and feelings cherished to- 
wards the land for which he had bled. The letter is 
dated at St. Jean d'Angely, June 12th, 1779. Al- 
luding to the gratitude and love which he bore the 
Americans, he says : " So deeply are those senti- 
ments engraven upon my heart, that I every day la- 
ment the distance which separates me from them, and 
that nothing was ever so warmly and passionately 
wished for, as to return again to that country of 
which I shall ever consider myself a citizen. There 
is no pleasure to be enjoyed which could equal that of 
finding myself among that free and liberal nation, by 
whose affection and confidence I am so highly hon- 
ored; — to fight again with those brother soldiers of 
mine to whom I am so much indebted. But Congress 
knows that former plans have been altered by them- 
selves, that others have been thought impossible, as 
they were asked too late in the year. I will, there- 
fore, make use of the leave of absence they were 
pleased to grant me, and serve the common cause 
among my countrymen, their allies, until happy cir- 
cumstances may conduct me to the American shores, 
in such a way, as would make that return more use- 
ful to the United States. The affairs of America I 
shall ever look upon as my first business while I am 
in Europe. Any confidence from the King and min- 



118 LIFE OF GENERAL 

isters, any popularity I may have among my own 
countrymen, any means in my power shall be, to the 
best of my skill, and to the end of my life, exerted in 
behalf of an interest I have so much at heart. What 
I have hitherto done or said relating to America I 
think needless to mention, as my ardent zeal for her 
is, I hope, well known to Congress ;-— but I wish to let 
them know that if, in my proposals, and in my re- 
peated urgent representation for getting ships, money, 
and support of any kind, I have not always found the 
ministry so much in earnest as I was myself, they 
only opposed to me natural fears of inconveniences 
which might arise to both countries, or the conviction 
that such a thing was impossible for the present; — 
but I never could question their good will towards 
America. If Congress believe that my influence may 
serve them in any way, I beg they will direct such 
orders to me, that I may the more certainly and prop- 
erly employ the knowledge which I have of this court 
and country for obtaining a success in which my heart 
is so much interested. 

" The so flattering affection which Congress and 
the American nation are pleased to honor me with, 
makes me very desirous of letting them know, — if I 
dare speak so friendly, — how I enjoyed my private 
situation. Happy in the sight of my friends and 
family, after I was by your attentive goodness safely 
brought again to my native shore, I met there with 
such an honorable reception, with such kind senti- 
ments as by far exceeded any wishes I durst have 
conceived. I am indebted for that inexpressible sat- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 119 

isfaction which the good will of my countrymen to- 
wards me affords to my heart, to their ardent love for 
America, to the cause of freedom and its defenders, 
their new allies, and to the idea which they entertain, 
that I have had the happiness to serve the United 
States. To these motives. Sir, and to the letter Con- 
gress was pleased to write on my account, I owe the 
many favors the king has conferred upon me. With- 
out delay I was appointed to the command of his own 
regiment of dragoons, and every thing he could have 
done, every thing I could have wished, I have re- 
ceived on account of your kind recommendations." 

During the month of August, the sword which had 
been voted him by Congress was finished. " It was 
appropriately devised and splendidly executed by the 
best artists. The knob of the handle exhibited on 
one side a shield, with Lafayette's arms, a marquis' 
coronet, surmounted by a streamer, on which his 
motto, cur non, [Why not ?] was inscribed. On the 
other side was a medallion, representing the first 
quarter of the moon, whose rays were shed over the 
sea, and the land of the American continent, which 
is seen in the horizon. In the foreground, was the 
coast of France, surrounded by a scroll on which were 
inscribed the words '' crcscam ut prosim," [I shall 
grow as I may be able] in reference to the rising lib- 
erty and subsequent prospects of the country. In the 
center of the handle on each side, were two oblong 
medallions. The first represented Lafayette with his 
sword drawn, and his foot upon the prostrate British 
lion, in the attitude of inflicting a mortal wound, but 



120 LIFE OF GENERAL 

pausing, extending his hand, and inclined to spare the 
life of his victim. On the other medallion, America 
was represented under the device of a young half- 
clad female, seated beneath a military tent, v^ith 
one hand holding up her broken fetters, and with the 
other presenting a laurel branch to Lafayette. Other 
devices, of arms, laurel crowns, &c., encircled the 
handle and on one side of the guard. On the other 
were the words — ' Feom the Amekican Congress 
TO the Marquis de Lafayette, 1779.' On the 
curved parts of the guard were represented in medal- 
lions four memorable events of the American war, in 
which Lafayette acted a distinguished part. These 
were: 1. — The Battle of Gloucester; 2. — Ee- 
treat of Barren Hill ; 3. — Battle of Mon- 
mouth; 4. — Retreat of Ehode Island." 

The sword was presented to the Marquis at Havre 
by a grandson of Dr. Franklin, accompanied by the 
following letter: 

" Passy, August 24, 1779. 
" Sir, — The Congress, sensible of your merit to- 
wards the United States, but unable adequately to 
reward, it, determined to present you with a sword, as 
a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment. 
They directed it to be ornamented with suitable de- 
vices. Some of the principal actions of the war, in 
which you distinguished yourself by your bravery 
and conduct, are, therefore, represented upon it. 
These with a few emblematic figures, all admirably 
well executed, make its principal value. By the help 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 121 

of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy 
to express every thing but the sense ivc have of your 
worth, and our obligations to you. For this, figures, 
and even words are found unsufficient, I, therefore, 
only add, that with the most perfect esteem and re- 
spect, 1 have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

" B. Fkanklin." 

The reply of Lafayette is fully indicative of him- 
self. It is as follows: 

^' Havre, August 29, 1779. 

" Sir, — Whatever expectation might have been 
raised from the sense of past favors, the goodness of 
the United States to me has ever been such, that on 
every occasion it far surpasses any idea I could have 
conceived. A new proof of that flattering truth I 
find in the noble present which Congress has been 
pleased to honor me with, and which is offered in 
such a manner by your excellency, as well exceed any 
thing but the feelings of an unbounded gratitude. 

" In some of the devices I cannot help finding too 
honorable a reward for those slight services which, in 
concert with my fellow soldiers, and under the god- 
like American hero's orders, I had the good fortune 
to render. The sight of those actions, where I was a 
witness of American bravery and patriotic spirit, I 
shall ever enjoy with that pleasure which becomes a 
heart glowing with love for the nation, and the most 
aident zeal for its glory and happiness. Assurances 
of gratitude, which I beg leave to present to your ex- 
cellency, are much too inadequate to my feelings, and 



122 LIFE OF GENERAL 

nothing but such sentiments can properly acknowl- 
edge your kindness towards me. The polite manner 
in which Mr, Franklin was pleased to deliver that in- 
estimable sword, lays me under great obligations to 
him, and demands my particular thanks. I have the 
honor to be, &c. 

" Lafayette." 

The fidelity of Lafayette to the stars and stripes 
was conspicuous every where. The king at first 
smiled at his enthusiasm, and then began to wonder at 
his unflagging perseverance. ''' He would unfurnish 
the palace of Versailles to clothe the American army," 
said M. de Maurepas one day, and, said Lafayette, 
when he heard of it, "/ would! ^^ He solicited a 
naval armament, and a large supply of auxiliary 
troops for the service, and was inclined to take no 
denial. At the request of the Count de Vergennes, 
he submitted an important paper, containing his 
views respecting the proposed expedition. He states 
its importance to both nations, urges it as a matter of 
duty and policy, and then details in extended terms 
the plan which he would see adopted. In conclusion, 
he says : " For my own part, you know my sentiments, 
and you will never doubt that my first interest is to 
serve my country. I hope for the sake of the public 
good, that you will send troops to America. I shall 
be considered too young, I presume, to take the com- 
mand, but I shall surely be employed. If, in the ar^ 
rangement of this plan, any one, to whom my senti- 
ments are less known than to yourself, in proposing 



Marquis de lafayette. ^ 123 

for me either the command or some inferior com- 
mission, should assign as a reason, that I should 
thereby be induced to serve my country with more 
zeal, either in council or in action, I take the liberty, 
— putting aside the minister of the King, — to request 
M. de Vergennes to come forward as my friend, and 
refuse, in my name, favors bestowed from motives so 
inconsistent with my character." 

This had a material effect upon subsequent affairs. 
The attack upon England, after another discussion, 
was entirely dismissed, and the ministry regarded 
more favorably Lafayette's j^roposal. His first sug- 
gestion was the combined power of naval and land 
forces ; but if this could not be granted immediately, 
he desired them to send two or three thousand men 
with three hundred dragoons to Boston, to act with 
the army till the sea force could be got in readiness. 
Early in February, 3 780, a plan was accepted chiefly 
in accordance with his own wishes. An army was to 
be fitted out, and dispatched early in the succeeding 
April, under command of Major-General le Compte 
Eochambeau. It was to consist of six ships of the 
line with the necessary transports, which were to take 
out six thousand men with the requisite artillery for 
sieges and field service. With these were to be sent 
large supplies of clothing, arms, and munitions of 
war. In view of former troubles at Rhode Island 
and elsewhere, Lafa^^ette expressly stipulated that the 
troops now to be sent should be considered as auxiliar- 
ies; that they should be held under the command of 



124 LIFE OF GENERAL 

General Washington, and subjected to tlie various reg- 
ulations which the American officers should adopt. 

Lafayette had not solicited, and did not expect, a 
command in this expedition. With a bounding heart 
he received his instructions, which were " to proceed 
immediately to join General Washington, and com- 
municate to him the secret, that the King, willing to 
give the United States a new proof of his affection 
and of his interest in their security, is resolved to 
send to their aid, at the opening of the spring, six ves- 
sels of the line and six thousand regular troops of in- 
fantry." It was a glad day for the Marquis when 
he received these directions. The darling wish of 
his heart was gratified, and he had nothing farther 
than speedily to return to the scene of his conflicts 
and renown. Taking an affectionate leave of Ma- 
dame Lafayette and his family, he stepped on board 
the French frigate Hermione, and sailed from Ko- 
chelle on the 19th of March, 1780. His voyage was 
pleasant and without any special incident. The Her- 
mione arrived at the entrance of Boston harbor on the 
27th of April ; and before landing, thus apprised Gen- 
eral Washington of his approach : 

" At the Entrance of Boston Hakbok, 
April 27, 1780. 
" Here I am, my dear General, and, in the midst 
of the joy I feel in finding myself again one of jowr 
loving soldiers, I take but the time to tell you that I 
came from France on board a frigate which the King 
gave me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 125 

importance, which I should at first communicate to 
you alone. In case my letter finds you any where 
this side of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait for me, 
and do assure you a great public good may be derived 
from it. To-morrow we go up to the town, and the 
day after I shall set off in my usual way to join my 
beloved and respected friend and general." 

The next day Lafayette landed. His reception 
was highly flattering. The day was made one of 
public rejoicing ; all the bells in the city rung their 
merry peals over the inhabitants flocking to the shore, 
to receive their generous defender. Amid the roar 
of cannon, the enlivening strains of military music, 
and the loud shouts of the multitude, he was escorted 
to the house of Gov. Hancock, which had been ar- 
ranged for his reception. But to him these festivities 
were unattractive, because his thoughts were with 
Washington. Leaving Boston, he hurried to head- 
quarters, and no public reception was ever so grate- 
ful to him as the warm embrace and words of wel- 
come from his noble friend. The army celebrated 
his arrival with public gratulations, but Washington's 
smile eclipsed all these rejoicings. The warm 
friendship which subsisted between these two great 
men is pleasing to contemplate. There was no out- 
ward display of affection for mere effect. In the 
breast of each was a fountain, which, at the mention 
of the other's name, would overflow. 

The news brought from France Lafayette disclosed 
to no one, till he saw Washington. The tidings were 
peculiarly grateful to the wary heart of the father of 



126 LIFE OF GENERAL 

his country. Pressed by the burden of accumulated 
difficulties, the prospect which now opened before 
him, gave him hope of a speedy relief from them all. 
The proposed measures, to be adopted upon the ar- 
rival of the French ;fleet, were discussed by Washing- 
ton and Lafayette, and then the Marquis proceeded to 
Philadelphia. On his arrival there he was greeted 
with the warmest welcome. Upon the 13th of May 
he offered his services in the army, to Congress, 
whereupon the following resolution was immediately 
adopted : 

^' Resolved, — That Congress consider the return 
of the Marquis de Lafayette to America, to resume 
his command, as a fresh proof of the disinterested 
zeal and persevering attachment which have justly 
recommended him to the public confidence and ap- 
plause ; — and that they receive with pleasure a tender 
of the further services of so gallant and meritorious 
an officer." 

The French fleet was delayed, but a plan of action 
was taken Avhich was to go into execution immediately 
uj)on its arrival. It was the wish both of Washing- 
ton and Lafayette to make an attack upon ISTew York. 
With a wisdom, which, had it been shown at first, 
might have brought the war to a close long before, 
Congress, instead of foolishly attempting to guide the 
matter, and laying the Commander-in-Chief under 
useless and irksome restraints, judiciously empowered 
him '" to take such measures for carrying on the opera- 
tions of the campaign as would effectually promote 
the purposes in view." The attack upon !N"ew York 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 127 

was accordingly determined upon, as soon as practica- 
ble after the French vessels were in harbor. 

Preparations for the reception of the foreign forces 
continued through the month of June. It was not 
till the 10th of July that the anxiously expected aid 
anchored off Newport. To the disappointment of 
Washington, this was only a part of the promised as- 
sistance. This division numbered only five thousand, 
five hundred men, leaving two thousand, with all the 
arms, munitions of war, and clothing promised La- 
fayette, to follow on in a second division of the ar- 
mament. The delay of these supplies was embar- 
rassing. Said Washington to Lafayette on learning 
it, — " Unless our allies can lend us largely, we can 
attempt nothing. With every effort we can make, we 
shall fall short four or five thousand arms, and two 
hundred tons of powder." 

The fleet had been detained in France till the 2d of 
May. Meanwhile the enemy against which it was to 
move had not been asleep; nor had the progress of 
affairs escaped British vigilance. Before they were 
half completed the English ministry understood their 
object, and began to take counter measures. Intelli- 
gence was sent to Sir Henry Clinton that a French 
armament was fitting out for the American service, 
and, as it was calculated that New York would be the 
first place of attack, he was ordered to take special 
means for its defense. These dispatches reached him 
in time to enable him to call off a heavy detachment 
from South Carolina, which arrived just before the * 
French fleet reached Newport. To aid him further, 



128 LIFE OF GENERAL 

an additional naval force was dispatched from Eng- 
land which was expected. 

Soon as arrangements could be made, Lafayette 
left Washington for IsTewport, fully commissioned, by 
the Commander-in-Chief to arrange with the Count 
de Rochambeau, such prospective movements as cir- 
cumstances should suggest. A combined attack upon 
I^ew York was the desire of both. But, before the 
Marquis reached ]!>^ewport, news had reached the 
French that Sir Henry Clinton had sailed from the 
city, with a large naval and land force, and was now 
on his way to attack them. When Lafayette arrived, 
therefore, (July 25th,) he found the French in a 
state fitted for defensive rather than offensive war. 
The troops were disembarked and strongly fortified 
on shore, while the fleet stood in line, to cover them. 
General Clinton upon learning this did not venture 
an attack. 

When this immediate danger was passed, Lafayette 
submitted to de Rochambeau the plan of a united ad- 
vance upon New York. The Count entered into it 
with zeal, but was disposed to wait for his second 
division, before decisive battle. The Marquis with 
energy opposed these views. All the arguments 
which his fertile mind suggested Avere brought to bear 
upon the Count. The easy, affable and engaging way 
in Avhich he presented them, had its force, but de Ro- 
chambeau was disposed to act with extreme caution. 
While in this attitude, he preserved harmony between 
the allies, determined to avoid the disgraceful diffi- 
culties in which d'Estaing had been involved. On 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 129 

the 31st of July Lafayette wrote to Washington; — 
" The French army hate the idea of staying here, and 
want to join you. They swear at those who speak 
of waiting for the second division. They are enraged 
to be blockaded in this harbor. As to the dispositions 
of the inhabitants and our troops, and the dispositions 
of the inhabitants and the militia for them, they are 
such as I may wish. You would have been glad the 
other day, to have seen two hundred and fifty of our 
drafts, that came on from Connecticut without pro- 
visions or tents, and w^ho were mixed in such a way 
with the French troops, that every French soldier and 
officer took an American Avith him, and divided their 
bed and their supper in the most friendly manner. 

" The patience and sobriety of our militia is so 
much admired by the French officers, that two days 
ago a French Colonel called all his officers together, to 
desire them to take the good examples which were 
given to the French soldiers by the American troops. 
So far are they gone in their admirations, that they 
find a great deal to say in favor of General Varnum, 
and his escort of militia dragoons, avIio fill up all the 
streets of Newport. On the other hand, the French 
discipline is such that chickens and pigs walk be- 
tween the tents without being disturbed, and that 
there is in the camp a corn field, from which not one 
leaf has been touched. The Tories don't know what 
to say to it." 

Rnchambeau still desiring to wait for his division, 
Washington advised Lafayette not to urge their move- 
ments. '' I could not wish you," said he, " to press 
9 



130 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the French General and Admiral to any thing to 
which they show a disinclination, especially to the 
withdrawing of their troops from Rhode Island be- 
fore the second division arrives to give them a naval 
superiority. Should they yield to importunity, and 
an accident happen, either there or here, they would 
lay the consequences to us. Only inform them what 
Ave can do, what we are willing to undertake, and let 
them entirely consult their own inclination for the 
rest." Accordingly Lafayette ceased his importu- 
nity, and soon after news arrived that Clinton had re- 
ceived a fresh reinforcement, thus giving him a de- 
cided naval superiority upon the coast. A plan was 
thereupon formed by him of a joint operation with 
his land and sea forces against Newport, and six thou- 
sand troops were embarked for that purpose. Such a 
design could not escape the scrutiny of Washington, 
who lost no time in dispatching tidings of it to New- 
port, and in preparing for a great emergency himself. 
Knowing that the force which Sir Henry had taken 
with him must greatly weaken the garrison left in 
New York, Washington formed the bold design of 
attacking it. Without delay he caused his army to 
move forward towards the city ; but his high hopes of 
success were dispelled, when he heard that Clinton, 
not venturing an assault, had suddenly returned to 
headquarters. To continue the descent was hopeless, 
and Washington drew back across the Hudson, and 
took post near Orangetown.* 

Tidings soon after reached Newport that the ves- 

* Nearly opposite Irvington-on-the-Hudson, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 131 

sels expected from France were blockaded in the port 
of Brest bj a British squadron. This news was 
soon followed by the intelligence that Admiral Rod- 
ney had sailed from England for America, with 
eleven ships of the line and four frigates. This dis- 
concerted all the plans of the allies, and frustrated 
the hopes they had cherished at the opening of the 
campaign. To march against New York was now out 
of the question, and as Lafayette could see nothing 
but inaction before him at Newport, he solicited and 
obtained permission to return to headquarters. 

Washington received the Marquis on the Yth of 
August, and invested him with the command of a 
corps of light infantry, which he had collected and or- 
ganized for this purpose. It was a fine body of two 
thousand men, " but," said Washington, " the greater 
part of them are without clothing." Lafayette was 
much pleased with them, and made them the subjects 
of his customary liberality. He clothed the soldiers 
in uniform, and presented each of the subordinate of- 
ficers of the corps with an elegant sword, at his own 
expense. Nothing could exceed the ardent attach- 
ment which he immediately won from them all. 
They became the pride of his heart, and he the idol 
of their affection. It is no trifling compliment to 
say, that next to the Commander-in-Chief and the 
intrepid Greene, no General stood higher in the public 
favor, or more constantly commanded the admiration 
of the army than Lafayette." 

The Marquis now busied himself in arranging an 
interview between General Washington, Count de 



132 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Rochambeau, and the Chevalier de Ternay, the Ad- 
miral of the French fleet. This was earnestly de- 
sired by the officers, who assured Lafayette that they 
could do more towards arranging operations in a 
quarter of an hour's conversation, than they could do 
by multiplied dispatches. " I will do all that de- 
pends upon me, gentlemen," replied the Marquis, " to 
prevail upon the General to meet you half way ; — ^but 
from his proximity to the enemy, and from the pres- 
ent situation of the army, which he has never quitted 
since the war, I fear it will appear very difficult for 
him to absent himself." Washington was unwilling 
to leave for a day, but at length consented to the pro- 
posed interview, hoping, at least, that it might con- 
tribute to strengthen the bonds of union. The inter- 
view was agreed upon, to take place at Hartford, 
Conn., on the 20th of September; and three days 
previously, Washington, Lafayette, and Gen. Knox, 
attended by an imposing retinue, left the American 
camp for that purpose. ISTo definite order of things 
was settled as the result of the interview, but it had 
a favorable influence in cementing personal friendly 
relations, and in producing harmonious views of mil- 
itary cooperation between the French and American 
commanders. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I33 



CHAPTER V. 

The record of September, 1Y80, is ever memor- 
able for the blot of Arnold's treason. The details of 
this foul transaction, which will hand down to re- 
motest posterity the picture of its principal actor, 
painted in tints of irremediable baseness, are familiar 
to every reader of history. Arnold had taken the time 
when Washington was absent from the camp, to carry 
his diabolical plans into execution, and the Com- 
mander-in-Chief first learned of it as he was return- 
ing from Hartford. The following is Lafayette's an- 
nouncement of the treachery to the Chevalier de la 
Luzerne : 

" Robinson House, opposite W. Point, 
" Sept. 26, 1780. 
" Wlien I parted from you yesterday, Sir, to come 
and breakfast here with General Arnold, we were far 
from foreseeing the event which I am now going to 
relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to 
which we were exposed ; — you will admire the mirac- 
ulous chain of unexpected events and singular 
chances, which have served us; — but you will be still 
more astonished when you learn by what instrument 



134 LIFE OF GENERAL 

this conspiracy has been formed. West Point was 
sold, — and sold hy Arnold, — the same man who for- 
merly acquired glory by rendering such immense ser- 
vices to his country. He had lately entered into a 
horrible compact with the enemy, and, but for the 
accident which brought us here at a certain hour, but 
for the combination of chances that threw the Adju- 
tant-General of the British army in the hands of 
some peasants, beyond the limits of our stations, at 
West Point, and on the !N"orth Eiver, we should both 
at present, in all probability, be in the possession of 
the enemy. 

" When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were 
preceded by one of my aids-de-camp, and one of Gen- 
eral Washington's, (Colonels Hamilton and Mc- 
Henry,) who found General Arnold and his wife at 
breakfast, and sat down at table with them. While 
they were together two letters were given to Arnold, 
which apprised him of the arrest of the spy. He 
ordered a horse to be saddled, went into his wife's 
room to tell her he was ruined, and desired his aid- 
de-camp to inform General Washington that he was 
going to West Point and would return in the course of 
an hour. 

"' On our arrival here, we crossed the river and 
went to examine the works. You may conceive our 
astonishment when we learned, on our return, that the 
arrested spy was Major Andre, Adjutant-General of 
the English army ; and when among his papers were 
discovered the copy of an important council of war, 
the state of the garrison and works, and observations 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 135 

upon various means of attack and defense, the whole 
in Arnold's own handwriting. 

" The Adjutant-General wrote also to the General, 
avowing his name and situation. Orders were sent to 
arrest Arnold ; but he escaped in a boat, got on board 
the English frigate, the Vulture, and as no person 
suspected his flight he was not stopped at any post. 
Colonel Hamilton, wdio had gone in pursuit of hiin, 
received, soon after by a flag of truce, a letter from 
Arnold to the General, in which he entered into de- 
tails to justify his treachery, and a letter from the 
English commander, Robertson, who, in a very inso- 
lent manner, demanded that the Adjutant-General 
should be delivered up to them, as he had only acted 
with the permission of General Arnold. 

" The first care of the General has been to assemble 
at West Point the troops that, under various pre- 
tences, Arnold had dispersed. We remain here to 
watch over the safety of a fort, that the English 
may respect less as they become better acquainted 
with it. Continental troops have been summoned 
here, and, as Arnold's advice may determine Clinton 
to make a sudden movement, the army has received 
orders to be prepared to march at a moment's warn- 
ing." 

The fate of Andre has awakened a melancholy 
interest every where, though none doubt the propriety 
of the course taken by the American ofiicers in the 
tragical result. Lafayette was one of the Board be- 
fore whom the ill-fated spy appeared for trial, and 



136 LIFE OF GENERAL 

from wliora he received his sentence of condemnation. 
To the feeling and generous heart of the Marquis 
the performance of this sad duty occasioned severest 
pangs. With the other officers he felt interested in 
the candor, openness, and magnanimity of Andre, 
but, with them, he was compelled to decide that this 
young and highly accomplished officer, who united 
the polish of a court, and the refinements of educa- 
tion, to the heroism of a soldier, was a spy, and 
as such worthy of death. Gladly would he and his 
associates have seen the stroke of vengeance fall on 
the guiltier head. 

The absence of something to do, did not agree with 
Lafayette. He had hoped with Washington that 
when this campaign should have closed, the war 
would also close ; and it was depressing to see the sea- 
son pass away without a signal stroke. The rein- 
forcements which were joining the British fleet, pre- 
vented the attack upon 'New York, which had been 
proposed with so sanguine expectations. Then La- 
fayette projected other exploits for himself. On the 
26th of October he undertook to surprise the enemy's 
post upon Staten Island, but was checked by the fail- 
ure of those whose duty it was to provide the boats, 
and make other provisions for the passage of the 
troops. Mortified, but not disheartened, on the 30th 
October, he urged upon General Washington an at- 
tack upon the upper posts of the enemy at JSTew York. 
Washington had before contemplated this enterprise, 
but both he and the Marquis were forced to relinquish 
it. Said Washington, " we must consult our means 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 13Y 

rather than our wishes, and not endeavor to better our 
affairs by attempting things which, for want of suc- 
cess, may make them worse." 

Abandoning this, Lafayette next petitions to join 
General Greene, who had lately been appointed to the 
command of the southern army, hoping that he might 
there find active service. He wrote a long letter to 
Green, who in reply, gave him a sad account of the 
prospect before him, in that direction. " Were you to 
arrive," said he, '' you would find a few ragged, half- 
starved troops in the wilderness, destitute of every 
thing necessary for either the comfort or convenience 
of soldiers. The department is in a most deplorable 
condition, nor have I a prospect of its mending. The 
country is almost laid M'aste, and the inhabitants 
plunder one another with little less than savage fury. 
We live from hand to mouth, and have nothing to sub- 
sist on but what we collect with armed parties. In 
this situation, I believe you will agree with me that 
there is nothing inviting this way, especially when I 
assure you our whole force, fit for duty, that are 
properly clothed and equipped, does not amount to 
eight hundred men." This did not frighten Lafay- 
ette. The army at the north had now gone into win- 
ter quarters, his corps of light infantry had been dis- 
banded, and he saw no means of occupying the time 
which to him was so precious except by going south. 
" I hate the idea," said he to Washington, '' of being 
from you for so long a time, but I think I ought not 
to be idle." 

Before giving him permission, Washington ad- 



138 LIFE OF GENERAL 

vised him to procectl to Philadclpliia, and take charge 
of some transactions there. This was early in De- 
cember, and Lafayette remained there during the 
whole of that month, communicating to Washington 
almost daily such intelligence as he received, and 
freely (toiisulting with him respecting future plans. 
At length, upon a renewed suggestion, Washington 
gave him leave to join General Greene, should there 
1)0 no call for liim at the north. In one of the letters 
of Washington to Lafayette, written while the Mar- 
quis was in Philadelphia, is the following passage, 
illustrating the great embarrassment which still 
existed in the finances of the army. "The Chevalier 
de Luzerne's dispatches came in time for the post, 
which is the only means left me for the conveyance of 
letters, there not being so much money in the hands 
of the quarter-master-general, (I believe I might go 
farther and say, in those of the whole army,) as 
would bear the expense of an express to Rhode Island. 
I could not get one the other day to ride as far as 
Pompton ! " 

The hardships of the troops endured so long, con- 
tinued unabated. Without money and almost unclad 
and unfed, their situation was distressing. With a 
patriotism stronger tlian love of life, their present suf- 
ferings appeared hopeless and needless. With too 
much justice they began to entertain the opinion that 
Congress was culpably responsible for their priva- 
tions, and having suffered them so long, n ]iart of the 
troops determined to take redress into their hands. 
This was the origin of the famous mutiny at Morris- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I39 

trtwn. On the Jiight of the 1st .laimary, 1781, the 
Pennsylvania line, stationed for the winter at that 
phice, rose in an open and almost universal revolt. 
They stated their grievances as having been borne till 
they. were now ])ast enduranee, and avowed Iheir de- 
termination of marching to the seat of (congress, and 
forcing redress. Tiie authority of General Wayne, 
their eoninianding oflieer, availed nolhing for a time 
in {juclliiig (he rebellion, and the mutineers, con- 
sisting of ihirh^en hundred men, marched towards 
Princeton. ( 'ongress, niad(> to understand at last the 
effects of ils niis(M-al)le indifForence, appointed eom- 
missionei's to treat with the troops, and recjuested La- 
fayette with General St. (-lair and (I0I. Laurens, to 
repair to Princeton, and aid in the work of pacifica- 
tion. Py the exertions of these ollicers, and the ju- 
dicious intervention of Wayne, the disturbance was at 
length subdued; but not till its existence had 
awakened a new and dark apprehension in the breast 
of every friend of American liberty. 

From Princeton Lafayette ])r()C(>eded to headquar- 
ters, and rejoined Washington on the 11th of Jan- 
uary. Here these two (hwotcd men with courage still 
unwavering, watched for light upon the darkening 
heavens. In every diiv^clion, Ihcv saw only the black- 
ness of despair. The. dawn of th(> last, campaign was 
sadly contrasted Avith the gloom which hung around 
its close. The next campaign could not be under- 
taken with iho. slightest hope of success, unless new 
supplies could be obtained from some source. With 
this view the minds of Washington and LafayettQ 



liO Life of general 

again turned to France, and Congress was induced 
to appoint a new commissioner to the court of Ver- 
sailles, for the purpose of making one more effort to 
obtain from the ministry the help which was needed. 
Colonel Laurens, one of Washington's aids-de-camp, 
was appointed, and, before leaving, received the in- 
structions of the Commander-in-Chief, and a letter 
which he wrote to Franklin, detailing with great force 
and ability, the state and resources of the country, 
with its present urgent wants. Lafayette also sent 
by him a letter to the Count de Vergennes, expressing 
his own views, and pleading earnestly the cause of the 
country. The following extracts from this letter 
show that his solicitude was as earnest as ever. 

" The last campaign took place without a shilling 
having been spent. All that credit, persuasion, and 
force could achieve has been done, but that can hold 
out no longer ; that miracle of which I believe no sim- 
ilar example can be found, cannot be renewed, and 
our exertions having been made to obtain an army 
for the war, we must depend on you to enable us to 
make use of it. 

" From my peculiar situation, Sir, and from what 
it has enabled me to know and see, I think it is my 
duty to call your attention to the American soldiers, 
and the part they must take in the operations of the 
next campaign. The continental troops have as much 
courage and real discipline as those that are opposed 
to them. They are more inured to privation, more 
patient than Europeans, who, on these two points, 
cannot be compared to them. They have several 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 141 

officers of great merit, without mentioning those who 
have served during the last wars, and from their own 
talents have acquired knowledge intuitively. They 
have been formed by the daily experience of several 
campaigns, in which, the armies being small, and the 
country a rugged one, all the battalions of the line 
were obliged to serve as advanced guards and light 
troops. The recruits whom we are expecting, and 
who only bear, in truth, the name of recruits, have 
frequently fought battles in the same regiments which 
they are now reentering, and have seen more gunshots 
than three-fourths of the European soldiers. As to 
the militia, they are only armed peasants, who have 
occasionally fought, and who are not deficient in 
ardor and discipline, but whose services would be the 
most useful in the labors of a siege. This, Sir, is 
the faithful picture that I think myself obliged to 
send you, and which is not my interest to paint in 
glowing colors, because it would be more glorious to 
succeed with slighter means. The Chevalier de la 
Luzerne, who, having himself seen our soldiers, will 
give you a detailed and disinterested account of them, 
Avill doubtless tell you as I do, that you may depend 
upon our regular troops. The result of this digres- 
sion. Sir, is to insist still more earnestly on the neces- 
sity of sending money to put the American troops in 
movement, and to repeat that well known truth, that 
a pecuniary succor and a naval superiority must be 
the two principal objects of the next campaign." 

By the same messenger he also writes to Madame 
Lafayette ; — " The Americans continue to testify for 



142 LIFE OF GENERAL 

me the greatest kindness. There is no proof of af- 
fection and kindness which I do not receive each day 
from the army and nation. I experience for the 
American officers and soldiers that friendship which 
arises from having shared with them, for a length of 
time, dangers, sufferings, and both good and evil for- 
tune. We began by struggling together, for our af- 
fairs have often been at the lowest possible ebb. It 
is gratifying to me to crown this work with them by 
giving the European troops a high idea of the soldiers 
who have been formed with us. To all these motives 
of interest for the cause and the army, are joined my 
sentiments of regard for General Washington." In 
the same letter he also writes : — " Embrace our chil- 
dren a thousand and a thousand times for me. Their 
father although a wanderer, is not less tender, nor less 
constantly occupied with them, and not less happy at 
receiving news from them. My heart dwells with 
peculiar delight on the moment when those dear chil- 
dren will be presented to me by you, and when we 
can embrace and caress them together." 

Although recent transactions had temporarily 
driven from Lafayette's mind his southern plans, 
events that were now occurring gave him an opportu- 
nity for renewing the consideration of them, though in 
a different light than before. Arnold, whose villainy 
had been rewarded by the commission of Brigadier- 
General in the British service, at the head of sixteen 
hundred men, was now ravaging the lower part of Vir- 
ginia. His spirit burning with resentment, spent its 
titterness in acts of unparalleled atrocity. Wherevei: 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYfiTTE. 14^ 

lie went, the fire and the sword marked his path with 
devastation. Property which could not be pillaged 
was destroyed ; both the old and the young of either 
sex fell alike the victims of his fiendish barbarity. 
The Baron Steuben, with his small division, could do 
no more than occasionally check his ravages, and 
Washington saw the propriety and importance of de- 
taching a larger force to that scene of warfare. As 
soon as he learned the position of things in Virginia, 
his mind formed a design for the capture of Arnold. 
The French fleet, which had been blockaded in New- 
port, was now freed by a violent storm that dispersed 
the British fleet at Gardner's Bay with great loss. 
Availing himself of this release, Washington applied 
to the Admiral for cooperation in an expedition 
against Arnold. His plan was to send Lafayette 
with a detachment of twelve hundred men, drafted 
for that purpose from the lines of New England and 
New Jersey, to the head of the Chesapeake, where 
they were to embark under convoy of a French frig- 
ate, which he expected to obtain, for Virginia. To suc- 
ceed, and bring the traitor to justice, was Washing- 
ton's intense desire. To ensure success, he urged the 
enlistment of the whole fleet in the enterprise, and 
that a thousand men should be embarked for the ser- 
vice. This would doubtless have resulted in the cap- 
ture of Arnold, but the French officers refused to join 
with so large a detachment. Contrary to the opinion 
of Washington, they thought a smaller force was 
abundantly adequate, and accordingly, on the 9th of 
February, a sixty-four gun ship with two frigatea 



144: LIFE OF GENERAL 

under Monsieur de Tillej, sailed for the Chesapeake. 
Arriving there, he found, as Washington had fore- 
seen, Arnold entrenched in a position secure against 
any mere naval force, and without attempting to as- 
sail it, de Tilley immediately returned to Newport, 
having been absent only fifteen days. 

The General and Admiral determined to renew tho 
expedition, according to the suggestion of Washing- 
ton, who left his camp and hastened to consult with 
those officers in person upon the affair. The Admiral 
assured him that he would proceed to cooperate with 
Lafayette's detachment with the entire fleet, to which 
Count Rochambeau promised to add 1100 men from 
his land forces. This was what Washington desired, 
and having made the important arrangement, re- 
turned to head quarters. The fleet sailed on the 8th 
of March. It was commanded by Admiral Des- 
touches, who had succeeded the Chevalier de Terney, 
that ofiicer having died on the 15th of December pre- 
vious. 

Meanwhile Lafayette, at the head of a choice de- 
tachment, arrived at the head of the Elk, on the 3d 
of March. From this point he embarked his troops 
for Annapolis, whence he proceeded to Williams- 
burgh, where the Baron Steuben held his head quar- 
ters. After having consulted with him, he tarried 
for several days, hoping to hear of the frigate which 
was to convey him to Virginia. From Williams- 
burgh, on the 23d of March, he writes to General 
Washington : 

" On my arrival at this place, I was surprised to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 145 

hear that no French fleet had appeared, but attributed 
it to delays and chances so frequent in naval matters. 
My first object was to request that nothing be taken 
for this expedition which could have been intended 
for or useful to the southern army, whose welfare 
appeared to me more interesting than our success. 
My second object has been to examine what has been 
prepared, to gather and forward every requisite for a 
vigorous cooperation, besides a number of militia, 
amounting to five thousand ; and I can assure j^our 
Excellency that nothing has been wanting to ensure a 
complete success. 

" As the position of the enemy had not yet been 
reconnoitered, I went to General Muhlenberg's camp, 
near Suffolk, and after he had taken a position nearer 
to Portsmouth, we marched down with some troops 
to view the enemy's works. This brought on a tri- 
fling skirmish, during which we were able to see 
something, but the insufficiency of ammunition, 
which had been for many days expected, prevented 
my engaging far enough to push the enemy's outposts, 
and our reconnoitering was postponed to the 21st, 
when on the 20th, Major McPherson, an officer for 
whom I have the highest confidence and esteem, sent 
me word from Hampton, where he was stationed, that 
a fleet had come to anchor within the capes. So far 
it was probable that this fleet was that of M. Des- 
touches, that Arnold himself appeared to be in great 
confusion, and his vessels, notwithstanding many 
signals, durst not for a long time venture down." 

Lafayette had been advised of the contemplated ex- 
10 



146 LIFE OF GENERAL 

pedition, but as part of his dispatches had failed to 
reach him, he was left in great uncertainty. At 
length he received intelligence from Washington more 
definitely, and was ordered to hold himself ready to 
unite with them i^pon their arrival. The fleet sailed 
on the 8th, but two days afterwards it was followed by 
the re-collected British fleet under Arbuthnot, who 
had orders to frustrate the efforts of the allied armies. 
Destouches was overtaken off the capes of Virginia, 
and a naval engagement ensued. The result was not 
decisive, the damage being about equal on both sides. 
The French Admiral called a council the next day, 
deciding that it was unadvisable to renew the action, 
and accordingly sailed back to Newport, leaving La- 
fayette to his fate, and the expedition against Arnold 
to prove an entire failure. 

The Marquis had received with joy the tidings 
which Major McPherson had given him, of the naval 
strength at hand, but a few hours changed it to dismal 
apprehension. After the French had gone, the Brit- 
ish entered and took undisputed possession of Chesa- 
peake Bay. It was this fleet instead of the French 
which McPherson had seen, and Lafayette was not 
long in making the discovery. Washington, as soon 
as he had learned the sailing of Arbuthnot, sent word, 
but this failed to reach the Marquis, and he was unap- 
prised of his danger till suddenly it was before him, 
threatening ruin. His situation now was exceed- 
ingly critical. He hastened to Annapolis, where his 
troops were stationed, and made preparations for 
their return to the head of the Elk. This was now 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 14Y 

no easy matter. To return by land was perilous, and 
the harbor was blockaded by two of the enemy's ves- 
sels, which apparently rendered their escape by water 
impossible. 

But Lafayette was not the man to be discouraged. 
His spirit rose with the difficulties which surrounded 
him, and in the desperate game which was now be- 
fore him, he determined to win the stakes, fearful as 
were the odds against him. He gavo orders to com- 
mence a land march in ten days. At the same time 
he was busy in devising a passage for the troops 
by water. For this purpose he executed a bold and 
ingenious manoeuvre. He mounted two guns upon a 
small sloop, and filling this and another vessel with 
men, he gave them in charge of Commodore Nichol- 
son, ordering him to sail out boldly towards the two 
blockading ships, and make dem.onstrations as though 
about to board them. The result was fully success- 
ful. The enemy, surprised at this daring, and ap- 
prehending the force of their opponents was much 
greater than they had suspected, weighed anchor and 
immediately retreated. This was what Lafayette de- 
sired, and when night came he took advantage of it. 
The vessels which had transported him to Annapolis, 
were refilled with the troops and stores, and under 
cover of darkness sailed out of the harbor. The Mar- 
quis in a sloop brought up the rear, and on the morn- 
ing of the 8th of April, they safely moored in the 
Elk. 

We cannot fail to admire the sagacity again dis- 
played by this commander. We are now about to 



148 LIFE OF GENERAL 

enter upon an era of his life in which his singular 
foresight and prudence, are exhibited in a still clearer 
light. The name of Lafayette, said another, was 
never tarnished by a single military blunder. This 
is the distinguishing glory of the Marquis as a mili- 
tary hero. Tie had a courage which could face dan- 
ger and death unappalled, and which gave calmness 
amid the most terrific battles; but others have pos- 
sessed this trait in an equal degree. Rarely, how- 
ever, has it been combined with so much finesse and 
facility for extricating an army from perils which 
would have repelled veterans in the stratagem of 
war. 

At the head of the Elk, Lafayette met a dispatch, 
which Washington hoped would reach him at Annap- 
olis, ordering him to repair with his detachment to 
the south, and join General Greene as soon as possi- 
ble. Cornwallis and Greene were operating in the 
Carolinas. To reinforce Arnold and make a junc- 
tion with Cornwallis, as Washing-ton supposed, Sir 
Henry Clinton had sent out General Phillips with 
two thousand men to Virginia, and their arrival 
changed the destination of Lafayette. He was or- 
dered " to proceed to Virginia, to take the command 
of the troops collected and collecting for its protec- 
tion, and to prevent if possible the meditated descent 
of Phillips or his junction with Cornwallis." He 
accordingly took up his line of march, and started for 
Baltimore. But before proceeding far, he encoim- 
tered trouble unknown before. The troops under his 
command began to express their open dissatisfaction 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I49 

at the hardships they endured. Their trials were 
severe. '' Without tents, — for many, even of the 
officers, slept in the open air ; — their shoes vi^orn out, 
— their hats lost in their repeated voyages; — in a 
state — as the Marquis expresses it — ' of shocking 
nakedness,' — not the least particle of baggage attend- 
ing their march, — no provision made for a protracted 
absence from their wives and families, many of whom 
had joined them and been left at their winter quar- 
ters ; — murmuring at being thus hurried off without 
notice to prepare for the service ; — reasonably fearing 
that their destination was to serve in a climate which 
they dreaded, and supported by the general pity 
Avhich their case excited ; — such was the temper of his 
army, that many of the officers assured the Marquis, 
that it would speedily be reduced to one-half by de- 
sertion." 

Lafayette himself, while on his way to Baltimore, 
communicates to Washington this condition of things, 
and after stating the distress of the soldiers adds : — 
" While I was writing this, accounts have been 
brought to me, that a great desertion had taken place 
last night, nine of the Ehode Island company, and 
the best men they had, who have made many cam- 
paigns, and never were suspected; these men say 
they like better a hundred lashes than a journey 
southward. As long as they had an expedition in 
view, they were very well satisfied, but the idea of 
remaining in the Southern States, appears to them in- 
tolerable, and they are amazingly averse to the people 
and the climate. I shall do my best, but if this dis- 



150 LIFE OF GENERAL 

position lasts, I am afraid we shall be reduced lower 
than I dare express." 

To render the prospect still more hopeless, advices 
were received from the Board of War, that they were 
utterly unable to remedy the wretchedness of the 
troops. Thus thrown entirely upon himself, Lafay- 
ette issued an order, in which, after sympathizini^ 
with their hardships, he told them he was about to 
enter upon an enterprise of great difficulty and 
danger, in which he was confident his soldiers would 
readily join him. lie assured them, however, that 
if any were unwilling to accompany him, a free per- 
mit should bo given them to rejoin their corps in the 
north, and that by making an application to him 
they could thus be saved from the crime and disgrace 
of desertion. The success of this plan was marked 
and immediate. Desertion ceased at once. A new 
spirit instantly spread through the troops. Lafay- 
ette assured Marshall that such was the enthusiasm of 
the moment, that a lame sergeant hired a place in a 
cart to keep up with the army. 

On reaching Baltimore, Lafayette added to this 
measure another with yet greater effect. From the 
merchants of this city he borrowed upon his own 
credit ten thousand dollars, which he did not hesitate 
in appropriating to the supply of the necessary wants 
of his soldiers. In a letter to General Greene he says, 
— '' As our brave and excellent men (for this de- 
tachment is exceedingly good) are shockingly desti- 
tute of linen, I have borrowed from the merchants of 
Baltimore a sum on my credit, which will amount to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 151 

nbont two tlioiisand ])(Min(ls, iiiul will procuro a few 
hilts, some sho(\^, soiiu" Maiik(Ms, and a pair of linen 
ovci'alls to each man. 1 hope to net the Baltimoro 
ladies * at work \\\h)\\ the shirts, whicli will be sent 
after lue, and the (»v(>ralls will he made hv our tailors. 
I will use my inlhienee to have tiie money ad(l(>d to 
the loan which the Fi'cnch court liav(> made; lo tho 
lInit<Ml Slaf(>s, and in cas(> I cannot succeed, bind 
niys(dl" to the merchants for |)aymcnt with inl(>rest, in 
two years." 

The Pr(>sidciit of the IJallimoi'e Hoard of War also 
wrote to General (JrcMMie upon I he same subject. 
'' \Vhil(> 1 a<lniii'(> your policy," said he, " I have 
more than once pitied the Mar(]uis' situation. His 
trooj)s ])assed here yesterday, discontenled almost to 
ji>(Miei'al desertion; — destitute of shirts, and jiroper 
(Mpiipments, ami in most i'(>specls, unj>rovided for a 
march. )'()ii kiioir llic M(ir(/ins. lie has been with 
us but two days, but in this time he adopted an ex- 
pedient to conciliate them to a deii'ree, which no ono 
bul himself would \\i\\o llioui;hl of. To day, Ai)ril 
Kith, ITS I, lie si^'ns a contract, bindiui;- himself to 
('(M'fain mei'chants of this ])lace, for above //ro llhou- 
sdiid (/iiiiicds. lo be disposed td' in shii'ts, overalls, and 
hats, for I lie detachment. Without tlu^se the army 
could nol i)i-oceed ; and with these he has uuinaged 
to reconcile them to the service. lie is also bent 
upon trying the j)ower of noveUy on their minds, by 
giving to the march the air of a frolic. His troops 
will ride in wagons and carts, fiom I*]lkbridgc land- 

* TliiH wiis (lone. I'A'cry f.iir luiiid in I?,iItini(>ro promptly 
aided in preparing his purchases for iinmediuto use. 



152 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ing to the limits of this state, and how much farther 
he will contiime this mode of movement depends upon 
Virginia." 

Lafayette now proceeded onward in fine spirits 
towards Virginia. Phillips and the Traitor were 
carrying on their work of devastation and pillage in 
this state almost without interruption. Ten thou- 
sand hogsheads of tobacco were destroyed by the 
doughty Phillips in his predatory excursions. Baron 
Steuben was unable to check him, and as Lafayette 
learned that the British were ascending the James 
River, he judged that their destination was Rich- 
mond and directed his own course thither. The chief 
portion of the military stores of the siate were col- 
lected at this place, a fact that both Lafayette and 
the British General well understood. Phillips and 
Arnold having separated their forces for the purpose 
of carrying on their lawless work against defenceless 
women and tobacco warehouses, re-united their divi- 
sions on the 29th of x^pril at Manchester, a small vil- 
lage on the south side of James River, but within 
sight of the metropolis. Their plans were laid for an 
attack upon Richmond the next day. But in this 
they reckoned without their host. Lafayette, with 
the celerity which usually attended his movements, 
arrived at the city, and took possession of it the same 
day that his enemies on the opposite side of the 
River, were planning its destruction for the mor- 
row's pastime. 

The 30th of April dawned, and Lafayette' upon 
enumerating his forces, knew the enemy could not 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 153 

drive him from his position. He was here joined bj 
Baron Steuben, with his corps of regular troops, and 
by General Nelson with a division of the Virginia 
militia, making in all about a thousand regulars, two 
thousand militia and sixty dragoons now under his 
command. The British force exceeded this, but he 
did not doubt his ability to maintain his ground. 
Preparations were making by General Phillips to 
cross over and ravage the place, when upon recon- 
noitering he found to his surprise and anger that La- 
fayette was already in possession of the city. The 
rage of the British General upon discovering this, 
knew no bounds. With passionate vehemence he 
swore that he would have vengeance. Attempting to 
cross over the river with a body of his men, he was 
repulsed and forced to bear his disappointment, mak- 
ing a precipitate retreat. 

The subsequent events are best related by Lafay- 
ette himself, and we quote accordingly from him. 
Writing to General Washington under date of May 
18th, he thus gives a statement of events up to that 
time: 

" When General Phillips retreated from Rich- 
mond, his project was to stop at Williamsburg, there 
to collect contributions which he had imposed. This 
induced me to take a position between Pamunkey and 
Cbickahominy rivers, which equally covered Rich- 
mond and some other interesting parts of the state, 
and from where I detached General Nelson with some 
militia towards Williamsburg. 

" Having got as low down as that place, General 



154 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Phillips seemed to discover an intention to make a 
landing, but upon advices received by a vessel from 
Portsmouth, the enemy weighed anchor, and, with 
all the sail they could crowd, hastened up the river. 
This intelligence made me apprehensive that the 
enemy intended to manoeuvre me out of Richmond, 
where I returned immediately, and again collected 
our small force. Intelligence was the same day re- 
ceived that Lord Cornwallis — who I had been assured 
to have embarked at Wilmington — was marching 
through North Carolina. This was confirmed by the 
landing of General Phillips at Brandon, south side 
of James River. Apprehending that both armies 
would meet at a central point, I marched towards 
Petersburg and intended to have established a com- 
munication over Appomattox and James Rivers; — 
but on the 9th General Phillips took possession of 
Petersburg, a place where his right flank being cov- 
ered by James River, his front by Appomattox on 
which the brigades had been destroyed in the first 
part of the invasion, and his left not being attackable 
but by a long circuit through fords, that at this 
season are very uncertain, I could not — even with an 
equal force — have got any chance of fighting him, 
unless I had given up this side of James River, and 
the country from which reinforcements are expected. 
It being the enemy's choice to force us to an action, 
while their own position ensured them against our 
enterprises, I thought it proper to shift this situation, 
and marched the greater part of our troops to this 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 155 

place,* about ten miles below Richmond. Letters 
from General jS'ash, General Jones and General Sum- 
ner are positive as to the arrival of Colonel Tarleton, 
and announce that of Lord Cornwalliii at Halifax. 
Having received a request from North Carolina for 
ammimition, I made a detachment of five hundred 
men under General Muhlenburg, to escort twenty 
thousand cartridges over Appomattox, and, to divert 
the enemy's attention, Colonel Gimat, with his bat- 
talion, and four field pieces, commanded their posi- 
tion from this side of the river. I hope our ammu- 
nition will arrive safe, as before General Muhlen- 
burg returned he put it in a safe road, with proper 
directions. On the 13th General Phillips died, and 
the command devolved on General Arnold. General 
Wayne's detachment has not yet been heard from. 
Before he arrives, it becomes very dangerous to risk 
an engagement, where — as the British armies are 
vastly superior to us — we shall certainly be beaten, 
and by the loss of arms, the dispersion of militia, and 
the difficulty of a junction with General Wayne, we 
may lose a less dangerous chance of resistance." 

Lafayette, with an eye open to the full nature of 
his situation, improved the time in his present camp 
to the best advantage. In a number of ways he 
exerted himself to increase the strength of his army. 
He fostered their pride and their patriotism, gave 
them new proofs of his kindness, and thus increased 
their attachment to him, and kept alive in their 
breasts detestation of the gross outrages which the foe 

* Welton, on the north side of James River, 



156 LIFE OF GENERAL 

was daily committing upon their unoffending coun- 
trymen. He established order after the most rigid 
system through the several departments of his corps, 
and prepared them to act with efBciency and celerity 
at a moment's warning. Before the death of Gen- 
eral Phillips, a correspondence was commenced be- 
tween him and the Marquis relative to the exchange 
of prisoners, and after the death of that officer, Ar- 
nold desired to continue the negotiations. The soul 
of the high-minded Lafayette shrunk as from a 
viper, when a letter from him was sent, under cover 
of a flag of truce, to his camp. He did not touch the 
communication, but while he positively assured the 
bearer that he would hold no correspondence with its 
author, he signified to him that " in case any other 
English officer should honor him with a letter, he 
would always be happy to give the officers every tes- 
timony of esteem." General Washington highly ap- 
proved of this refusal. '" Your conduct," writes he 
to Lafayette, " upon every occasion meets my appro- 
bation, but in none more than in your refusing to 
hold correspondence with Arnold." 

The traitor did not long continue in the supreme 
command. Lord Cornwallis arrived in Virginia, and 
formed a junction with Arnold at Petersburg on the 
20th of May. His plan was the conquest of that 
colony, and he immediately began his offensive move- 
ments against Lafayette. Cornwallis was no ordi- 
nary man. After Sir William Howe had returned 
to England, he was left the most accomplished Gen- 
eral of the British service in America. As a man, he 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, I57 

was high-minded and honorable ; as a soldier, he was 
brave and courageous; as an officer, he united singu- 
lar sagacity to an energy which the severest difficul- 
ties failed to subdue, and a skill which often turned a 
seeming overthrow into a victory. In battle he was 
always cool and collected, guiding the contest, him- 
self above the fury of the elements, which yielded to 
his control, though they disturbed not his tranquillity. 
ISTo ravage or pillage like that which had just dis- 
honored the British arms in Virginia, was allowed 
under his command. He came to fight with soldiers, 
and not to lay the sword against women, old men, 
and children. An outrage committed by some of his 
troops on his march from Wilmington to Petersburg, 
such an one as Phillips and Arnold had often insti- 
gated and gloated over, was at once punished by Corn- 
wallis, who caused the immediate execution of the 
chief offenders. Had Sir Henry Clinton possessed a 
tithe of his talents, Cornwallis would never have met 
with his fate at Yorktowu. Clinton, weak-minded 
and short-sighted, fell into a snare into which all the 
wisdom of Washington could not have entrapped 
Cornwallis. 

The superiority of Cornwallis to Lafayette in the 
number of his troops was immense. His field force 
was not less than eight thousand men, while that of 
Lafayette did not exceed four thousand. To add to 
the advantage of the British General, he had four 
hundred dragoons, and nearly twice that number of 
mounted infantry, while fully three-fourths of La- 
fayette's men were raw militia. All this, while it in- 



158 LIFE OF GENERAL 

creased almost to a certainty Cornwallis' anticipa- 
tions of capturing Lafayette, did not dismay his foe. 
He had before escaped, and believed he should now. 
The efforts of Cornwallis were immediate and active. 
On the 24th of May he crossed the James Eiver at 
the head of all his troops, and made his first direct ad- 
vance upon Lafayette. The Marquis had retreated 
to Richmond, but he was there totally unable to meet 
the enemy. " Were I any ways equal to the enemy," 
he writes to Washington, " I should be extremely 
happy ; but I am not strong enough even to get beaten. 
The Government in this State has no energy, and the 
laws have no force ; but I hope the present Assembly 
will put matters on a better footing. I had a great 
deal of trouble to put things in a tolerable train ; our 
expenses were enormous, and yet we can get nothing. 
Arrangements for the present would seem to put on a 
better face, but for this superiority of the enemy, 
which will chase us wherever they please. They can 
overrun the country, and, until the Pennsylvanians 
arrive, we are next to nothing in point of opposition 
to so large a force. This country begins to be as 
familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen. Our soldiers 
are hitherto very healthy. I have turned doctor, and 
regulate their diet." 

Cornwallis passed the James River at Westover, 
and the same day Lafayette abandoned Richmond. 
Removing the most valuable military stores of that 
town to a place of safety, he fell behind the Chicka- 
hominy River, and took the road toM^ards Fredericks- 
burg. His main object now was to avoid the enemy,. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 15^ 

and keep open his communication with the north, till 
he could form a junction with the Pennsylvania line 
under General Wayne, which was now marching 
down to his aid. At Westover Cornwallis received a 
reinforcement from Xew York, and from this place 
he started in pursuit of the Marquis, all confident of 
success. " The hoy cannot escape me" he wrote in 
an intercepted letter, and few in the country when 
they learned the condition of the two parties, thought 
otherAvise, The " hoy,''' all at once, became the center 
of the deepest interest. The news of his slender force 
together wnth the ability and strength of Cornwallis, 
awakened an intense apprehension wherever hearts 
were found which desired his success. 

All eyes were now turned towards Virginia ; and 
Lafayette, in proud consciousness of the interest he 
was exciting, the more resolutely determined to tri- 
umph. No excitement can be traced in any of his 
letters during this period. He seems coolly to have 
extricated himself from his various difficulties as fast 
as they arose, and as calmly to have narrated them. 
Witness the following, addressed to General Greene, 
dated at his camp, June 3d : 

" Lord Cornwallis had at first a project to cross 
above Richmond, but desisted from it and landed at 
Westover. He then proposed to turn our left flank, 
but before it was executed we moved by the left to 
the forks of Chickahominy. The enemy advanced 
twelve miles, and we retreated in the same proportion. 
They crossed Chickahominy and advanced on the 
road to Fredericksburg, while we marched in a par^ 



160 LIFE OF GENERAL 

allel with them, keeping the upper part of the coun- 
try. Our position at Mattapony church would have 
much exposed the enemy's flank on their way to 
Fredericksburg, but they stopped at Cook's ford on 
the ISTorth Anna River, where they are for the present. 
General Wayne having announced to me his depar- 
ture on the 23d, I expected before this time to have 
made a junction with him. We have moved back 
some distance, and are cautious not to indulge Lord 
Cornwallis with an action with our present force. 

" The intentions of the enemy are not as yet well 
explained. Fredericksburg appeared to be their ob- 
ject, the more so as a greater number of troops are 
said to have gone down than is necessary for the gar- 
rison of Portsmouth. The public stores have been as 
well as possible removed, and every part of Hunter's 
works that could be, taken out of the way. It is pos- 
sible they mean to make a stroke toward Charlotte- 
ville, and this I would not have been uneasy for, had 
my repeated directions been executed. But instead 
of removing stores from there to Albemarle old Court 
House, where Baron de Steuben has collected six 
hundred regulars, and where I ordered the militia 
south of James Eiver to rendezvous, — it appears 
from a letter I received this evening, that state stores 
have been, contrary to my directions, collected there, 
lest they should mix with the continentals ; — but my 
former letters were so positive, and my late pre- 
cautions are so multiplied, that I hope the precious 
part of the stores will have been removed to a safer 
place. I had also some stores removed from Orange 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 161 

Court House. Dispatches from the Governor to me 
have fallen into the enemy's hands ; — of which I gave 
him and the Baron immediate notice. 

" The enemy must have five hundred men mounted, 
and their cavalry increases daily. It is impossible 
in this country to take horses out of their way, and 
the neglect of the inhabitants, dispersion of houses, 
and robberies of negroes, — should even the most vig- 
orous measures have been taken by the civil authori- 
ties, — would have yet put many horses into their 
hands. Under this cloud of light troops it is difficult 
to reconnoitre, as well as counteract any rapid move- 
ments they choose to make." 

It was not long before Cornwallis with great cha- 
grin saw that the " boy " was successfully eluding his 
grasp. The distance between them daily increased, 
notwithstanding all the efforts made by the British 
General to overtake his foe. With a rapidity only 
equalled by his caution, Lafayette had passed the 
Pamunkey before the British army had reached the 
Chickahominy, and Cornwallis, after marching some 
distance up the northern side of l^orthanora, found 
that the Marquis would make his junction with 
Wayne in spite of him, and gave over the heat of his 
pursuit while he turned his attention to other objects 
which were more attainable. 

Lafayette, however, did not relax his vigilance. A 
close watch of his adversary enabled him to foresee 
and thereby frustrate some of his most important 
plans. Cornwallis found himself harassed and fre- 
quently out.vitted, exceedingly to his mortification. 
II 



162 LIFE OF GENERAL 

He dispatched Tarleton to capture the Assembly of 
Virginia, which was then in session at Charlotteville ; 
but before Tarleton could get there, Lafayette had 
contrived to forward the information, and when the 
British arrived, — the birds had fioivn. Colonel Sim- 
coe was sent against Baron Steuben, who defended 
the military stores at the Point of Fork, but before 
his arrival, the Baron had removed the stores to an- 
other place, and saved himself by a hasty retreat. 
Lafayette watching every attempt like these, endeav- 
ored to defeat them, while, having crossed the Rapi- 
dan, he awaited the junction with Wayne. 

General Wayne, with the Pennsylvania line, con- 
sisting of about eight hundred men, at length joined 
him. Though this addition left the force of Lafay- 
ette still feeble, in comparison with that of Corn- 
wallis, it was yet sufficient to determine him upon a 
new course of action. The Pursued would become 
the Pursuer. He had fled long enough, too long to 
suit his own temper, and now, emboldened by his re- 
inforcement, he recrossed the Rapidan, and moved 
forward upon the enemy. Upon his retreat from 
Richmond, he had removed the valuable military 
stores from that place up the river, and deposited 
them principally at Albemarle old Court House. In 
order to capture these. Lord Cornwallis was directing 
his march towards this place, when Lafayette, far in 
his rear, crossed the Rapidan. So quick were the 
evolutions of the Marquis, that he came and en- 
camped within a few miles of the British army, while 
they were yet a full day's march from Albemarle, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 163 

To gain this place before Cornwallis could reach it, 
was now the bold scheme of the Marquis, but the 
game was a difficult one. Cornwallis, whose army 
occupied and fully commanded the road leading to 
that place, smiled at the eagerness of his youthful foe, 
and laid an easy plan to entrap him. Being at no 
loss to understand what the design of Lafayette must 
be, he drew off the main body of his troops, and en- 
camped at Elk Island, while he advanced his light 
troops to a position upon the road through which he 
presumed his enemy must pass. This was on the 
fourteenth of June, and never was a fowler after hav- 
ing carefully spread his net, surer of his prey, than 
Cornwallis as he laid down to rest that night. His 
mortification and disappointment, therefore, knew no 
bounds when he arose the next morning and found his 
young but gallant adversary in front of him, on the 
direct road to Albemarle, from which he would not be 
tempted, and could not be easily forced to leave. 
Cornwallis, in this, was mistaken, as when he pre- 
dicted the certain capture of the youthful com- 
mander ; who had in this instance proved himself 
fairly a match for the man. The dexterity of Lafay- 
ette had completely baffled the calculations of Corn- 
wallis. His vigilance had discovered a shorter road, 
which, as it had long been disused, had hitherto es- 
caped observation. Lafayette opened this road on the 
same night that Cornwallis had planned his capture, 
and with cautious haste marched his troops over it, 
crossed the Rivanna, and halted securely behind 
Mechunck's creek, on the direct route from the Brit- 



164 J^IFE OF GENERAL 

ish camp to Albemarle. The whole records of the 
war scarcely show a more masterly movement than 
this. Cornwallis himself, despite his mortification, 
could not repress a thrill of admiration at this exploit 
of his gallant foe. He never afterward called him a 
hoy. 

Lafayette though elevated was never vain from his 
successes. With singular modesty he thus relates his 
last mentioned achievement : '" In the mean time the 
British army was moving to the Point of Fork, in- 
tending to strike our magazines at Albemarle old 
Court House. Our force was not equal to their de- 
fense, and a delay of our junction would have an- 
swered the views of the enemy. But on the arrival of 
the Pennsylvanians, Ave made forced marches toward 
James River, and on our gaining the South Anna, we 
found Lord Cornwallis encamped some miles below 
the camp of Fork. A stolen march, through a diffi- 
cult road, gave us a position upon Mechunck creek, 
between that of the enemy and our stores, where, 
agreeably to previous appointment, we were joined 
by a body of riflemen." 

Lord Cornwallis, over-estimating the force of the 
enemy, but chiefly in accordance with instructions 
from Sir Llenry Clinton, now abandoned his designs 
against Albemarle and began to retreat. On the fif- 
teenth of June he proceeded to Westham and was 
closely followed by the Marquis. Cornwallis did not 
venture a single retrograde action, but proceeded care- 
fully forward to Richmond, which he entered the sub- 
sequent day. As he seemed disposed to halt here for 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 166 

a time, Lafayette took up his position on Allen's creek, 
about twenty-two miles from his lordship, where he 
quietly watched his foe. On the 18th, Cornwallis 
moved towards him, but again retired into the town 
without venturing an attack. On the 19th the Mar- 
quis was joined by the Baron Steuben, and on the fol- 
lowing night Richmond was evacuated, and Corn- 
wallis pursued his retreat. 

Lafayette at once broke up his encampment and 
started after them. " Having followed the enemy," 
says he, " our light parties fell in with them near 
'New Kent Court House. The army was still at a 
distance, and Lord Cornwallis continued his route 
towards Williamsburg, his rear and right flank being 
covered by a large corps commanded by Colonel Sim- 
coe. I pushed forward a detachment under Colonel 
Butler, but notwithstanding a fatiguing march, the 
Colonel reports that he could not have overtaken them, 
had not Major McPherson mounted fifty light in- 
fantry behind an equal number of dragoons, which, 
coming, up with the enemy, charged them within six 
miles of Williamsburg. Such of the advanced corps 
as could arrive to their support, composed of rifle- 
men, under Major Call and Major Willis, began a 
smart action. Enclosed is the return of our loss.* 
That of the enemy is about sixty killed and one hun- 
dred wounded, including several officers, a dispropor- 
tion which the skill of our riflemen easily explains. 

* This was as follows : — two captains, two lieutenants, one 
sergeant, ten privates, wounded ; two lieutenants, one ser- 
geant, six privates, killed ; one sergeant taken ; and one lieu- 
tenant and twelve privates whose fate was unknown. 



166 LIFE OF GENERAL 

I am under great obligations to Colonel Butler and 
the officers and men of the detachment, for their ardox 
in the pursuit, and their conduct in the action. Gen- 
eral Wayne, who had marched to the support of But- 
ler, sent down some troops under Major Hamilton. 

The whole British army came out to save Simcoe, 
and on the arrival of our army upon this ground, re- 
turned to Williamsburg. The post they occupy at 
present is strong, and under protection of their ship- 
ping, but upwards of one hundred miles from the 
Point of Fork." 

Cornwallis was mortified at the result of this skir- 
mish, but would have felt it more keenly had he un- 
derstood the real inferiority of force which Lafayette 
possessed, and which was greatly exaggerated to Corn- 
wallis by his skillful marches. His lordship's esti- 
mate while he was pursuing, was nearly correct, but 
he could not reconcile the great prudence which La- 
fayette had displayed in his flight, with the boldness 
he now manifested, except by supposing that he had 
received large reinforcements to his troops. " It has 
been a great secret," Lafayette afterwards writes to 
Washington, " that our army was not superior, and 
was most generally inferior to the enemy's numbers. 
Our returns were swelled up, as militia returns gen- 
erally are ; but we had very few under arms, particu- 
larly lately, and to conceal the lessening of our num- 
bers, I was obliged to push on as one who heartily 
wished a general engagement. Our regulars did not 
exceed one thousand five hundred ; while the enemy 
had four thousand regulars, four hundred of whom 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 167 

were mounted. Thej thought we had eight thousand 
men. I never encamped in line, and there was thus 
greater difficulty to come at our numbers." '' Gen- 
eral Greene," he says in another letter, " only de- 
manded of me to hold my ground in Virginia ; hut the 
movements of Lord Cornwallis may answer better 
purposes than that in the political line." 

Cornwallis now established himself at Williams- 
burg, and Lafayette about twenty miles above, with 
the Chickahominy between himself and his adver- 
sary. Neither party, however, remained in this po- 
sition long. Sir Henry Clinton suspecting that a 
combined attempt was about to be made by the allied 
forces against ISTew York, and deeming himself too 
weak to resist it, ordered Cornwallis to send him a 
detachment of the troops under his command in Vir- 
ginia. After complying with this requisition, Corn- 
wallis thought himself not strong enough to remain at 
Williamsburg, and resolved to retire to Portsmouth. 
Accordingly, on the fourth of July, he marched from 
Williamsburg, and determining to cross the river at 
James' City Island, he encamped that day favorably 
for the passage. But before he was ready to move, 
his foe was near him. Lafayette left his camp on the 
fifth, crossed the Chickahominy the same day, and 
pushed his best troops within eight miles of the Brit- 
ish camp. He learned that Cornwallis was expecting 
to pass the river, and he at once formed the design of 
attacking his rear after the main body should have 
gone over to Jamestown. Cornwallis, however, sus- 
pected this. He knew that the ardor of Lafayette 



168 LIFE OF GENERAL 

would not allow such an opportunity to escape him, 
and as soon as he found that the Marquis was so near, 
he resolved to make one more trial of stratagem upon 
him. He took every measure to encourage his ad- 
vance, but instead of passing the river, he waited an 
attack. At the same time he took measures to in- 
duce the belief, that he had crossed with the main 
body of his army. His light parties were all drawn 
in, his troops were held compact, and made to cover as 
little ground as possible, and his pickets, which lay 
close to the encampment, were ordered to yield at the 
first attack, and exhibit an appearance of disorder 
and alarm. To add to the deception, the intelligence 
was spread, that the greater part of the British had 
reached the island, and a few troops were stationed 
there, with orders to make such demonstrations as 
would corroborate this news, 

Lafayette was fully deceived. The plans of Corn- 
wallis were so complete, and were carried out so ac- 
curately, that he could not perceive the snare. Every 
thing looked as he had anticipated; after personally 
reconnoitering the scene, and receiving all the intelli- 
gence he could meet, Lafayette, on the 6th of July, 
began his attack. A few riflemen were detached to 
harass the outposts of the enemy, while he advanced 
at the head of the continental troops to support the 
onset. Every thing was conducted precisely as Corn- 
wallis had planned. His pickets fell back in dis- 
order, and thus drew on the Americans, emboldened 
by their success, in a rapid pursuit. The main body 
of Cornw^Uis' army was concealed by woods, and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 169 

General Wayne, who was first in advance, soon dis- 
covered it moving out in order of battle against him. 
Retreat was impossible, and that brave officer, with a 
boldness almost without parallel, rode gallantly for- 
ward, with his eight hundred men, and made a fu- 
rious attack upon the British line. The action was 
kept up with spirit for some time, while the British 
army was winding its fold like a serpent round the lit- 
tle band. 

Lafayette soon came up, and saw at a glance the 
crisis. The plan of Cornwallis was evident in a mo- 
ment, and perceiving that Wayne was outflanked 
right and left, and fast becoming surrounded, he 
ordered his retreat. A line of light infantry was 
drawn up about half a mile in his rear, and by a skill- 
ful movement Wayne was enabled to join these with- 
out serious loss. Here they remained for some hours, 
but the British army did not pursue. Cornwallis, 
who greatly overrated Lafayette's numbers, judged 
that his retreat was a stratagem to draw him into an 
ambuscade, and accordingly did not improve the ad- 
vantage he had gained. The loss of Lafayette in this 
action was one hundred and eighteen men, most of 
whom belonged to General Wayne's detachment. 
The conduct of this latter ofiicer during the day was 
worthy of all praise. " It is enough," says Lafay- 
ette, " for the glory of General Wayne, and the offi- 
cers and men he commanded, to have attacked the 
whole British army, with a reconnoitering party only, 
close to their encampment, and by this severe skir- 
mish, hastened their retreat over the river," 



170 LIFE OF GENERAL 

During the night succeeding the action, the British 
proceeded to Jamestown, and soon after to the mouth 
of James river, Cornwallis encamping at Portsmouth. 
Lafayette followed, and halted in the vicinity, on 
Malvern Hill, where he allowed his harassed army 
some repose. Although, says Marshall, no brilliant 
service was performed during this campaign, yet it 
greatly enhanced Lafayette's military reputation, and 
raised him in the general esteem., That with so de- 
cided an inferiority of effective force, and especially 
of cavalry, he had been able to keep the field in an 
open country, and to preserve a considerable propor- 
tion of his military stores, as well as his army, was 
believed to furnish unequivocal evidence of the pru- 
dence and vigor of his conduct. 

Active warfare seemed now suspended. Cornwal- 
lis was safely entrenched at Portsmouth, and Lafay- 
ette had little else to do than to watch him, and pre- 
vent any excursion which he might design to make. 
In this he was unceasingly busy. Lest the enemy 
should be inclined to retreat to IsTorth Carolina, he 
ordered the militia to guard the passes, and took every 
precaution to cut him off in that direction. To keep 
his own line of communication open with Philadel- 
phia was also an object of his strictest attention. His 
spies surrounded Cornwallis everywhere. They were 
in his camp and very apartment, and entirely unsus- 
pected, were communicating to Lafayette his daily 
history and plans. One of Cornwallis' own trusted 
spies was all the while faithful to Lafayette. '' When 
Cornwallis," says Mr. Sparks, "had retired before 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 171 

Lafayette, and was near Williamsburg, as the former 
had a superior force, Lafayette did not choose to 
bring him to a general action; but he wished at the 
same time to impress upon him the idea of the large- 
ness of his numbers, in order that Cornwallis might 
not be induced to turn upon him, and thus compel him 
again to retreat. He had taken into his service a very 
shrewd negro man, whom he had instructed to go into 
the enemy's camp, and pretend to give himself up to 
them. This task the man performed with so much 
cunning, that he was actually employed by Lord Corn- 
wallis as a spy, at the time he was acting in the same 
capacity for the other side. But he was true to his 
first employer. Lafayette wrote a fictitious order to 
General Morgan, requiring him to take his station 
at a certain post in conjunction with the army. The 
paper was then torn and given to the negro, with di- 
rections how to proceed. He returned to Cornwallis, 
who asked him what news he brought from the Amer- 
ican camp. He said there was no news, that he saw 
no changes, but everything appeared as it was the day 
before. Holding the tattered paper in his hand, he 
was asked what it was, and replied that he had picked 
it up in the American camp, but, as he could not 
read, he did not know that it was of any importance. 
The General took it, and was surprised to find such an 
order. He had not heard of Morgan's having joined 
the army, or of his being expected. It made him 
cautious, however, for a day or two before he was un- 
deceived, and the object of Lafayette was gained. 
Rumors now began to reach Lafayette that his 



172 LIFE OF GENERAL 

own favorite project of a combined attack upon KeU 
York by the American and French forces was soon 
to be attempted, and he desired earnestly to be pres- 
ent and engage in it. 

On the 20th July, he writes to Washington : 
" When I went to the southward, you know I had 
some private objections ; — but I became sensible of 
the necessity there was for the detachment to go, and 
I know that had I returned there was no one who 
could lead them on against their inclination. My 
entering this state was happily marked by a service 
to the capital. Virginia became the grand object of 
the enemy, as it was the point to which the ministry 
tended. I had the honor to command an army and 
oppose Lord Cornwallis. Wlien incomparably in- 
ferior to him, fortune was pleased to preserve us ; — 
when equal in numbers, though not in quality of 
troops, we have also been pretty lucky. Cornwallis 
had the disgrace of a retreat, and this state being 
recovered, government is properly reestablished. The 
enemy are under the protection of their works at 
Portsmouth. It appears an embarkation is taking 
place, probably destined to E"ew York. The war in 
the state would then become a plundering one, and 
gTeat manoeuvres be ouit of the question. A prudent 
officer would do our business here, and the Baron 
Steuben is prudent to the utmost. Would it be pos- 
sible, my dear General, in case a part of the British 
troops go to 'New York, I may be allowed to join the 
combined armies ? " In another letter he says : 
" I am entirely a stranger to every thing that passes 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 17^ 

out of Virginia, and Virginia operations being for 
the present in a state of languor, I have more time to 
think of my solitude. In a word, my dear General, 
I am home-sick, and if I cannot go to head quarters 
wish at least to hear from thence. I am anxious to 
know your opinion concerning the Virginia cam- 
paign. That the subjugation of this state was the 
great object of the ministry is an indisputable fact. 
I think your diversion has been of more use to the 
state than my manoeuvres, but the latter have been 
much directed by political views. So long as my 
lord wished for an action, not one gun has been fired, 
but the moment he declined it, we began skirmishing, 
though I took care never to commit the army. His 
naval superiority, his superiority of horse, of regu- 
lars ; — ^his thousand advantages over us are such that 
I am lucky to have come off safe. I had an eye upon 
European negotiations, and made it a point to give his 
lordship the disgrace of a retreat. 

" From every account it appears that a part of the 
army will embark. The light infantry, the guards, 
the SOth regiment and Queen's Rangers, are, it is 
said, destined for ISTcw York. Lord Cornwallis, I 
am told, is much disappointed in his hopes of com- 
mand. Should he go to England, we are, I think, to 
rejoice for it. He is a cold and active man, two 
dangerous qualities in this southern war. 

" The clothing you long ago sent to the light infan- 
try has not yet arrived. I have been obliged to send 
for it, and expect it in a few days. These three bat- 
talions are the best troops that ever took the field, 



174 LIFE OF GENERAL 

My confidence in them is unbounded. They are far 
superior to any British troops and none will ever 
venture to meet them in equal numbers. What a 
pity these men are not employed along with the 
French grenadiers ; — they would do eternal honor to 
our arms. But their presence here, I must confess, 
has saved this state, and, indeed, the southern part 
of the continent." 

The intelligence which Lafayette communicated in 
these letters was the subject of Washington's pro- 
foundest consideration. They suggested to him a 
new plan, which, if successful, might bring a decisive 
triumph. JSTever was more wisdom displayed in war 
than now. He determined that the united attack 
upon ]^ew York should be brought to bear upon Corn- 
wallis. With the new reinforcements which Sir 
Henry Clinton had received, he doubted of success 
against the city, but this same fact assured him of vic- 
tory over Cornwallis. His preparations for the 
southern movement were necessarily secret. For a 
time he dared not communicate his plans to Lafay- 
ette lest his letters might be intercepted by the enemy. 
He requested him to stay in Virginia till matters 
should be reduced to a greater certainty than at pres- 
ent. " You will not regret this," said he, " especially 
when I tell you, that from the change of circum- 
stance with which the removal of part of the enemy's 
force from Virginia to l^ew York will be attended, it 
is more than probable we shall also entirely change 
our plan of operations." Such hints as these were 
sufficient, and he wrote to Washington accordingly. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I75 

'' For the present," he says, " I am of the opinion, 
with you, that I had better remain in Virginia; — 
the more so, as Lord Cornwallis does not choose to 
leave us, and circumstances may happen that will fur- 
nish me agreeable operations in the command of the 
Virginia army. I have pretty well understood you, 
my dear General, but would be happy in a more mi- 
nute detail, which, I am sensible, cannot be intrusted 
to letters." 

Count de Rochambeau was from the first in favor 
of an expedition south, against Cornwallis, and, now 
that it had met with Washington's approbation, he 
readily assented to it. The French had left ISTewport 
and completed a junction with Washington upon the 
Highlands, the 6th of July, and the allied army was 
now ready for any movement to which they might be 
directed. Cheering news had been received from 
France. The French Government had agreed to fur- 
nish the United States with six millions of livres,* 
and were also negotiating for an additional loan of 
fen millions from Holland. The Count de Grasse, 
with a large naval force, had sailed for the West In- 
dies, with permission to spend the summer upon the 
American coast, in cooperation with Washington and 
de Rochambeau. The latter officer had advised him 
of a probable enterprise in the Chesapeake Bay 
against Cornwallis, leaving it for him to sail there at 
his own discretion. 

The most cautious management was now necessary 

* The livre corresponds with the franc of the present day, 
$aid was worth about 19^ cents. 



176 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to keep Sir Henry Clinton in ignorance of the pro- 
posed campaign. Knowing that the British General 
was expecting an attack upon New York, Washing- 
ton kept np all the outward preparations, while he 
secretly directed every thing towards his new design. 
Letters to the Governor of Virginia, to Lafayette and 
others, detailing the vast plans which Washington 
was making for the enterprise upon New York, and 
recounting the importance of that measure to the Am- 
erican cause were sent, and according to his intentions 
were intercepted and carried to Sir Henry Clinton. 
The British General was entirely imposed upon, and 
with greater vigor than ever arranged for the defense 
of New York. In one of these letters which Wash- 
ington had written only for Clinton's eye, he stated 
that an attack upon New York, and the overthrow of 
General Clinton, was now of the first importance and 
must soon be attempted; — for that he was much 
alarmed at the success of a general, whom, from ex- 
perience, he knew to be so fertile in resources, so vig- 
orous in decision, and so prompt and expeditious in 
improving every advantage ! Still further to encour- 
age the deception, Washington in person, with hig 
engineers and chief officers, closely reconnoitered the 
defenses of New York and took plans of all the works, 
under the fire of their batteries. By all these means 
Sir Henry Clinton was fully deceived, and Washing- 
ton, as soon as he heard that the Count de Grasse was 
to have sailed from Cape Francis for the Chesapeake 
on the 3d of August, was ready for his movement. 
Meanwhile General Washington had sent a confi- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 177 

dential officer to communicate to the Marquis his 
proposed undertaking, and advise him to make prepa- 
rations accordingly. Lafayette received the news 
with joy, and determined that the enemy should not 
escape. Every movement of Cornwallis which would 
indicate a desire to retreat to ISTorth Carolina was 
carefully observed, and guarded against. On the 
26th of July he learned from a servant of Cornwallis, 
who constantly kept him informed of his master's 
movements, that the army was preparing to leave 
Portsmouth, though he did not know their destina- 
tion. Lafayette suspected that it might be starting 
for l^ew York and longed for a French fleet to come 
into Hampton Roads, just then, and secure the prey. 
Instead, however, of proceeding to ISTew York, Corn- 
wallis passed up the Bay, entered York River, and 
landed his forces at York and Gloucester. At Glou- 
cester Point he began his entrenchments, but was 
here, as he had been at Portsmouth, every moment 
under the careful surveillance of his vigilant foe. 
After a time his forts at Troy, Kemp's Landing, 
Great Bridge and Portsmouth, were abandoned, and 
his vessels and baggage with all the troops that had 
been left for garrison, went round to York. The 
cannon left at Portsmouth were spiked, and Cornwal- 
lis began to erect heavy fortifications at York and at 
Gloucester, so as to command the River and effec- 
tually protect himself. At first his works went 
slowly forward, as if he himself were uncertain what 
to do, but afterwards began to progress with greater 
rapidity. A dispatch from Sir Henry Clinton had 
12 



178 LIFE OF GENERAL 

reached him, stating that he had just received from 
Europe a reinforcement of three thousand Hessians, 
and that consequently he would not need the detach- 
ment from Cornwallis which he had previously or- 
dered. These orders were therefore countermanded 
and his lordship was directed to take a strong position 
on the Chesapeake, from which, as soon as the storm 
which threatened ISTew York should blow over, he 
might prosecute the meditated designs of the ministry 
against the states lying on that Bay. 

Lafayette held his position on James River. He 
received, as we have said, the plan of Washington, 
but that it might be in no danger of being divulged 
to the enemy, he did not disclose it to a single indi- 
vidual. Under different pretexts he made his various 
dispositions against Cornwallis, so that even his own 
officers mistook their precise nature. Whether Corn- 
wallis fathomed them or not, he soon saw that Lafay- 
ette was cutting off his retreat to the Carolinas, 
though he could not yet see the threatening elements 
which were gathering against him in the distance. 
On the 19th of August the whole American army was 
put in motion, and crossing the Hudson, began their 
march for Virginia. General Clinton, completely 
outwitted, considered their departure merely as a 
feint to cover their design upon 'New York, and does 
not seem for a moment to have apprehended the ter- 
rible danger which threatened Cornwallis. 

Washington, in communicating to Lafayette their 
departure, enjoins upon the Marquis the closest and 
most careful efforts to prevent the escape of the ene- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 179 

my before the allied armies should arrive. " As it 
will be of great importance," said he, " towards the 
success of our present enterprise, that the enemy, on 
the arrival of the fleet, should not have it in their 
power to effect their retreat, I cannot omit to repeat 
to you my most earnest wish that the land and naval 
forces, which you will have with you, may so com- 
bine their operations, that the British army may not 
be able to escape. The particular mode of doing this, 
I shall not, at this distance, attempt to dictate. Your 
own knowledge of the country, from your long con- 
tinuance in it, and the various and extensive move- 
ments which you have made, have given you great op- 
portunities for observation ; of which I am persuaded 
your military genius and judgment will lead you to 
make the best improvement. You will, my dear 
Marquis, keep me constantly advised of every impor- 
tant event respecting the enemy or yourself." La- 
fayette, as we have seen, had anticipated these injunc- 
tions. By his untiring vigilance and skillful man- 
oeuvres, he had driven the enemy to a position most 
favorable to his plans, and it was no part of his de- 
signs that he should now escape, 

Cornwallis soon began to discern the terrible fore- 
shadowing of his doom. On the 30th of August, the 
Count de Grasse, with twenty-eight ships of the line, 
several frigates and convoys, arrived in the Chesa- 
peake. Lafayette at once sent him an officer to com- 
municate the intelligence of his own situation and 
that of Cornwallis. Learning this, the Count imme- 
diately detached four ships of the line to block up 



180 LIFE OF GENERAL 

York River and then proceeded to land for Lafay- 
ette's reinforcement, the Marquis de St. Simon with 
a body of troops amounting to three thousand two 
hundred men. These formed a junction with Lafay- 
ette at Williamsburg, on the 5th of September. He 
united himself with Wayne, who had been stationed 
on the south side of James River, and so quick were 
his movements, that Cornwallis saw, as if by magic, 
that he was suddenly blockaded by sea and by land, 
with hardly a possibility of escape. Perilous as was 
his situation, he determined upon one desperate ef- 
fort to free himself from it. He carefully reeon- 
noitered Lafayette's position at Williamsburg, and 
though strong, he determined to pass it and retreat 
to the South. Lafayette discovered this, but soon 
found also that the plan was abandoned. Cornwallis 
sending an earnest request to Sir Henry Clinton for 
succor determined to await its arrival. Meanwhile 
he labored day and night on his defenses. 

The Count de Grasse, who had permission to serve 
on the American coast only till the middle of October, 
was anxious to commence operations immediately. 
Together with the Marquis St. Simon, he urged upon 
Lafayette the propriety of making an immediate at- 
tack upon the enemy. It is right, said they to La- 
fayette, that you who have had all the difficulties of 
this campaign should now be rewarded with the glory 
of its successful termination. They argued that the 
works of Cornwallis were yet in an incomplete state, 
and that he could not resist a sudden attack made by 
the forces which he could then command, All these 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 181 

were powerful reasons with the young and ardent 
Marquis, but yet he determined to await the arrival of 
the northern armies. The attempt upon Cornwallis 
in his present condition, he saw would be attended 
with great bloodshed, even if successful, and he was 
unwilling to risk, for personal glory, the lives of his 
brave men. He therefore used every precaution to 
prevent the escape of Cornwallis, and patiently 
awaited the arrival of Washington and de Rocham- 
beau. 

Having made arrangement for the transportation 
of his army down the Chesapeake, Washington, ac- 
companied by the Count and the Chevalier de Chas- 
telleux, proceeded directly to Virginia ; and on the 
14th of September, Lafayette joyfully welcomed them 
to his camp at Williamsburg. Thence they pro- 
ceeded to Hampton, where, on board the Ville de 
Paris, the plan for the siege of Yorktown was con- 
certed with the Count de Grasse. Everything was 
managed to the satisfaction of both parties, and Wash- 
ington, as he surveyed with high approbation the dis- 
positions which Lafayette had made, felt certain of a 
brilliant success when his troops should arrive. But 
a dark cloud suddenly overshadowed the clear sky of 
his hopes. Information reached the French Ad- 
miral that the British fleet in 'New York had received 
an important addition to its strength, and de Grasse 
supposed by this that they would be induced to ven- 
ture every thing for the relief of Cornwallis. Ex- 
pecting therefore, that they would sail directly against 
him, and as his present condition was unfavorable for 



182 LIFE OF GENERAL 

a naval combat, he determined to sail out of the Bay 
with his fleet and meet the enemy on the open sea. 
He communicated this intention to Washington, pro- 
posing to leave a few frigates to block up the mouths 
of York and James Rivers, while he went in quest of 
the enemy. Washington received this proposition 
with dismay. The moment de Grasse should leave, 
the vision of certain success would fade, A tem- 
porary naval superiority might be acquired by the 
British in the Bay, and the army of Cornwallis would 
then be placed in perfect security. He must not 
leave, said Washington. Writing a letter to de 
Grasse, he sent Lafayette with it on board the vessel, 
and requested the Marquis to use his personal in- 
fluence with the Admiral, to dissuade him from exe- 
cuting his dangerous designs. Lafayette felt the 
emergency and acted with efficiency. He stated the 
crisis, and plead with the Count to remain. He ap- 
pealed by turns to his honor, his pride, and his pa- 
triotism. He represented that the capture of Corn- 
wallis would probably seal the triumph of America, 
while his escape would greatly protract the war, and 
result disgracefully to the allied arms. His appeals 
were successful, and the Admiral at last consented to 
forego plans his thirst for military glory had sug- 
gested, and continue his post. 

The troops now began to arrive, and on the 25th 
of September the last division debarked near Wil- 
liamsburg. With high hope and courage, each di- 
vision swept into the ranks, and on the 28th moving 
forward in four columns towards Yorktown, halted 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 183 

about two miles in front of the enemy. The siege 
OF YoKKTOWN * now Commenced. De Rochambeau, 
with the French corps, took advantage of the woods, 
the rideaux,f and the marshy creeks, so as to confine 
the enemy to within pistol shot of their wOrks. The 
left wing of the French battalions rested upon the 
river above the town, and their right extended to a 
low ravine, where it was met by the left wing of the 
Americans, whose right rested upon the stream below 
the town. The investment was as complete and as 
close as possible. Mr. de Choisy, with a body of 
troops, then passed over to Gloucester on the opposite 
side. Cornwallis looked out upon the vast array 
which now encircled him, as the fabled draco its vic- 
tim, but his great heart was still firm. He had in- 
formed Sir Henry Clinton of his peril, and had no 
doubt that succors would soon arrive. With un- 
broken fortitude he determined to face the tremen- 
dous array till he should receive aid, and reap vic- 
tory. 

Till the 6th of October the besieging army was em- 
ployed in disembarking and bringing upon the ground 
the ordnance and other requisite implements for the 
onset. As soon as this was done, the work went for- 

* "York is a small village on the south side of the river 
which bears that name, where the long peninsula between the 
York and the James, is only eight miles wide. On the oppo- 
site shore, is Gloucester Point, a piece of land projecting deep 
into the i-iver, and narrowing it, at that place, to the space 
of one mile. Both these points were occupied by Lord Corn- 
wallis. The communication between them was commanded 
by his batteries, and by some ships of war which lay under 
his guns." — [Marshall.] 

t The rideaux are screens of trees. 



184 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ward with vigor, but the strength of the English 
army and the character of the General who com- 
manded it, obliged Washington to act with precision 
and precaution. On the night of the 6th of October, 
with profound silence, a trench, six or seven hundred 
toises * in extent, and flanked by four redoubts, was 
opened by the Americans on the right, within six hun- 
dred yards of the British lines. At the same time a 
similar one was completed by the French on the left. 
So silently was this done, that the garrison was wholly 
unapprised of it till day light, by which time the em- 
bankments were so far advanced as to cover the men. 
Batteries and redoubts were speedily completed along 
the fosse, from which a tremendous fire was poured 
upon the enemy. So resistless was the blaze of artil- 
lery, that it tore in pieces most of their batteries, and 
on the eleventh they were forced to withdraw their 
cannon from the embrasures, and scarcely returned a 
shot. Kindling a spirit of emulation between the 
French and Americans, Washington was able to pros- 
ecute the assault with great rapidity. On the same 
night he opened his second parallel within three hun- 
dred yards of the lines. This was commenced noise- 
lessly as the first, and on the morning of the next day 
Cornwallis first discovered it. The three succeeding 
days were occupied in completing the trench. The 
progress now was seriously harassed by two redoubts 
of the foe in front of their entrenchments, and which 
kept up a galling fire. Washington determined to 

* The toise was an old French linear measure about six feet 
and three inches. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 185 

silence these with the bayonet. The attack of one 
was given to the Americans, and of the other to the 
French. Lafayette led the former and the Baron de 
Viomesnil the latter. Says de Rochambeau, " Four 
hundred grenadiers debouched at the head of this at- 
tack, under the command of Count William de Deux 
Fonts, and of M. de I'Estrapade, Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the regiment of Gatinais. MM. de Viomesnil and 
Lafayette made so impetuous an attack that the re- 
doubts were carried, sword in hand, at the same mo- 
ment. The greater part of the men in them were 
killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. A lodgement 
was made by joining these redoubts by a communica- 
tion to the right of our second parallel, the ground on 
which they stood affording means of erecting new 
batteries, which completed the blockade of Cornwallis, 
and threw balls a ricochet into the w^hole of the inter- 
ior of the place, at a distance which could not fail to 
do much damage." This difficult onset was carried 
on and finished with a bravery highly gratifying to 
Washington. In the orders for the succeeding day, 
he complimented both Lafayette and Viomesnil, for 
their judicious dispositions and gallant conduct dur- 
ing the attack. " The General reflects," he con- 
cluded, " with the highest degree of pleasure, on the 
confidence which the troops of the two nations must 
hereafter have in each other. Assured of mutual 
support, he is convinced there is no danger which they 
will not cheerfully encounter, — no difficulty which 
they will not bravely overcome." 

The two redoubts which had been taken were at 



186 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tonce included in the second parallel, and in a few 
hours some howitzers were mounted upon them, 
■which added their destructive volleys. Cornwallis 
saw that with this fire the town would be untenable, 
and his situation hopeless. Unable to believe that 
Sir Henry Clinton would leave him long without 
help, he thought to gain time by a bold movement. 
On the night of the fifteenth of October, he sent out 
Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie at the head of 800 
chosen men, who made a desperate sortie against two 
batteries which appeared to be in the greatest for- 
wardness. So valiant was the charge, that they 
gained possession, and spiked four guns; but were 
hastily repelled by the Chevalier de Chastelleux, who 
mad a deadly assault with his reserve. The cannon 
were rendered serviceable again six hours afterwards, 
by the care of General d'Abouville, commanding the 
French artillery. The tremendous fire-sheet which 
now blazed upon Cornwallis, soon dismounted or 
broke his ordnance, his walls were fast crumbling into 
the ditches, and nearly all his defenses were razed. 
Unwilling to submit, and unable to remain longer 
with any show of resistance, he formed the daring de- 
sign of crossing over in the night with such troops as 
■were not disabled, to Gloucester Point, and with 
forced march hasten to rejoin the army in ISTew York. 
Boats were prepared, and so secret were the ar- 
rangements, that no tidings escaped to the opposite 
encampment. On the night of the 16th of October, 
a division was embarked and passed over unperceived. 
But before the boats could return, a violent storm 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 187 

arose, and continued till dawn, drifting them down 
the river, and preventing all farther execution of the 
plan. The next morning, the troops which had 
crossed were brought back again, and re-landed on the 
southern shore with little loss. 

On the morning of the 17th, Cornwallis, reduced 
to the last extremity, beat a parley, and offered to ca- 
pitulate. On the 19th, formal articles of capitula- 
tion were signed, by which Lord Cornwallis and his 
magnificent army were made prisoners of war. The 
Americans and French took possession at noon of two 
bastions, and the garrison defiled between the armies 
at two o'clock in the afternoon, with drums beating, 
carrying their arms, which they afterwards piled, 
with twenty pair of colors. Lord Cornwallis feigned 
sickness to avoid surrendering before his soldiers, and 
General O'Hara accordingly appeared at the head of 
the garrison. " When he came up," says de Ro- 
chambeau, " he presented his sword to me. I 
pointed to General Washington, who was opposite me 
at the head of the American army, and told him that 
the French army being auxiliaries on the continent, 
it was the American General who was to signify his 
orders to him." As the result of this capitulation 
8,000 prisoners, of whom 7,000 were regular troops 
and 1,000 sailors; 214 pieces of cannon, of which 73 
were brass, and 22 pair of colors, passed into the 
hands of the allies. The men, artillery, arms, mili- 
tary chest, and public stores of every denomination, 
were surrendered to Washington, the ships and sea- 
men to the Count de Grasse. 



188 LIFE OF GENERAL 

The news of the surrender at Yorktowh sped on 
the wings of the wind all over the land. Bon-fires 
were lighted on almost every hill top, and the bells of 
every hamlet in the country rung their glad accla- 
mations. The names of Washington, — de Eocham- 
heau, — de Grasse, — Lafayette, resounded every 
where. Every association of note, political or liter- 
ary, voted them their congratulations. With pro- 
found gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of all 
events. Congress repaired in solemn procession to the 
Dutch Lutheran Church, to return thanks for the vic- 
tory of the Divine Providence which had granted it. 
Washington also ordered that suitable religious ser- 
vice be performed in the camp in grateful testimony 
of the auspicious event. 

To follow up the advantages thus gained, the Com- 
mander-in-Chief desired to make an expedition 
against Charleston. De Grasse was solicited to lend 
his aid, and Lafayette was deputed by Washington to 
overcome any scruples which the Admiral might have 
against reengaging in the enterprise. The Marquis 
repaired on board the Ville de Paris, but solicita- 
tions were unavailing. De Grasse replied that " the 
orders of his court, ulterior projects, and his engage- 
ments with the Spaniards, rendered it impossible for 
him to remain on the coast during the time which 
would be required for the operation." This enter- 
prise failing, and also another against Wilmington, 
which was also proposed, military action for the 
season seemed to be at an end. The army went into 
winter quarters, and Lafayette was once more left to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 189 

a repose ever irksome to him. Desiring again to re- 
visit his native land, and thinking that he might be 
serviceable to the cause of his heart, he determined to 
return to France. This determination was not op- 
posed, as it was felt both by Washington and Con- 
gress that his powerful cooperation would be needed 
in the negotiations for an honorable peace, which it 
was hoped would now open. Previous to his depar- 
ture, he received the highest testimonials of affection 
and respect, not only from his beloved Commander 
and Congress, but also from the King and Ministry 
of France. He sailed from Boston in the frigate Al- 
liance, on the 22d December, 1781. 

It is not strange that Lafayette was next to free- 
dom in the heart of Washington ; for the devotion of 
himself and fortune, while amid the luxuries of an 
ancestral domain, to the doubtful struggle of despised 
" rebels " — ^liis unselfish adherence to their cause 
when repulsed — his untiring energy and reliable wis- 
dom in the camp and conflict — his fidelity in neglect, 
under fearful discouragements, and in the palace of 
his sovereign — have probably no parallel in the an- 
nals of greatness which has its throne within a dis- 
interested human bosom. We follow his youthful 
form through the bloody scenes of the Revolution, 
with a personal affection and admiration peculiar and 
unrivaled, because he fought on foreign soil, and was 
ready to die for strangers. We know America 
could not have spared Washington, and we feel that 
Washington could not have spared Lafayette ! 



190 LIFE OF GENERAL 



CHAPTER VL 

Lafayette was greeted warmly by his country- 
men. His name had gone back to the realm of his 
birth like an echo of liberty. The most flattering 
salutations met him at court, and demonstrations of 
applause were made wherever he went. But the sil- 
ver notes of fame were not so sweet as the familiar ac- 
cents of love in the bosom of his family ; the delights 
of home. In the social circle, his hours flew pleas- 
antly, yet he did not forget America. Every ship 
brought him answers to the many letters w^hich he was 
constantly transmitting to Washington and friends 
in the new world. He thus kept himself familiar 
with American affairs, while at the same time he did 
not forget to interest himself actively in their behalf. 
He urged upon the ministry the necessity of forcing 
peace from England, by more imposing display in 
favor of tlie colonies. So forcible were his represen- 
tations, that a grand armament was prepared by 
Erance and Spain, to encounter the British power in 
the West Indies and ISTorth America. A part con- 
sisting of sixty vessels and twenty-four thousand men, 
began to assemble at Cadiz. Lafayette was appointed 
chief of the staff of the united armies, and himself 
took the lead of eight thousand troops marching from 
Brest to the place of rendezvous. So vast prepara- 
tions as these, were looked upon by the English gov- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. l9l 

ernment with apprehension, and quickened their ne- 
gotiations for peace. Commissioners were appointed 
by the United States and Great Britain, who held 
their conferences in Paris. In ISTovemher, 1782, the 
preliminary articles for a peace were agreed upon, 
and on the 20th of January, 1783, the final treaty 
was signed. Lafayette heard this news with bound- 
ing heart and longed to bear the glad tidings to a res- 
cued nation. 

But though the King of Spain had signed the 
treaty which acknowledged the independence of the 
States, he refused to receive in his diplomatic rela- 
tion Mr. Carmichael, who had been appointed Charge 
d'Affaires to court of Madrid. Lafayette was then 
at Cadiz preparing to sail for America, when Mr. 
Carmichael wrote to him requesting his aid. For- 
getting himself, he instantly resolved to forego his an- 
ticipated pleasure. The Count d'Estaing granted 
liim The Triumph, a fast sailing vessel, which the 
Marquis dispatched with a letter to the President of 
Congress, communicating the tidings of peace, while 
he hastened to Madrid to secure the interests of his 
adopted country there. Arriving, he had an inter- 
view with the monarch and his minister, and soon 
had the satisfaction of seeing every difiiculty re- 
moved, in the full recognition of Mr. Carmichael in 
his official character. 

The Triumph arrived at Philadelphia on the 23d 
of March, 1783, bearing the first intelligence of 
peace. Congress passed suitable testimonials to the 
Marquis for this fresh service, and Washington, in a 



192 LIFE OF GENERAL 

letter to him dated April 5th, thus expresses his ap- 
probation ; — " It is easier for you to conceive, than 
for me to express, the sensibility of my heart at the 
communication of your letter of the 5th of February 
from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are 
indebted for the only account yet received of a gen- 
eral pacification. My mind, upon the receipt of this 
intelligence, was instantly assailed by a thousand 
ideas, all of them contending for preeminence ; — ^but, 
believe me, my dear friend, none could supplant, or 
ever will eradicate that gratitude, which has arisen 
from a lively sense of the conduct of your nation, and 
to my obligations to many of its illustrious characters, 
(of whom, without flattery, I place you at the head,) 
and from my admiration of the virtues of your au- 
gust Sovereign, who, at the same time that he stands 
confessed the father of his own people, and defender 
of American rights, has given the most exalted exam- 
ple of moderation in treating with his enemies. 

" The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, 
and in which you were to have acted a distinguished 
part, would have carried such conviction with it, that 
it is not to be wondered at, that Great Britain should 
have been impressed with the force of such reasoning. 
To this cause, I am persuaded, the peace is to be 
ascribed. Your going to Madrid from thence instead 
of coming immediately to this country, is another in- 
stance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the Ameri- 
can cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of 
her sons, who will at all times receive you with open 
arms." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 193 

The independence of the United States being es- 
tablished, and peace once more restored to Europe, 
Lafayette began to apply himself intensely to the 
commercial relations of France and America. The 
subject was one foreign to his former habits of 
thought, and one upon which merely military men 
would have entered with reluctance; but Lafayette 
brought to it an energy and insight into all its details, 
which astonished his friends. By his exertions the 
ports of Dunkirk and Marseilles, of L'Orient and 
Bayonne, were gi'anted to the United States as free 
ports * by the King of France. The minister of 
commerce, impressed by the representations of the 
Marquis, assured him that the United States should 
be as much favored in France in commercial affairs 
as any other nation. '' The complaints," said he to 
Lafayette, " which they may make to you, or which 
Mr. Franklin, and the other American ministers, 
which I would be very glad to see, may transmit to 
me on their behalf, shall be examined with great at- 
tention, and government will not suffer them to ex- 
perience any kind of vexation." 

A considerable portion of the American people 
v/ere interested more or less in the whale fishery, and 
Lafayette did not overlook the fact. He urged 
France to repeal the duties on whale oil ; but as the 
ministry were just then beginning to encourage the 
fisliery, this was refused. He then took another 
method, and at last gained a total exemption of duties 

* A free port is " a place to which all merchandises, as well 
foreign as domestic, ntfiy be imported, and from which they 
may be freely exported."— De Vergennes. 



194 t.iFE OF GENERAL 

for sixteen thousand quintals of oil, to be furnished 
by merchants of Boston to the Contractor-General 
for lighting the cities of Paris and Versailles. " T 
worked very hard," he says, " to bring even as much 
as this about, and am happy at having, at last, ob- 
tained a point which may be agreeable to New Eng- 
land and the people of Boston. I wish they may, at 
large know, I did not neglect their affairs; and al- 
though this is a kind of private bargain, yet as it 
amounts to a value of about eight hundred thousand 
French livres, and governments have been prevailed 
upon to take off all duties, it can be considered as a 
matter of importance." The Marquis' name was 
spoken with praise on both continents, and he was 
constantly receiving testimonials of grateful approba- 
tion. " The unexampled attention to every Ameri- 
can interest," writes Mr. Morris, the superintendent 
of American finance, to the President of Congress, 
" which the Marquis de Lafayette has exhibited, can- 
not fail to excite the strongest emotions in his favor, 
and we must, at the same time, admire the judgment 
which he has shown in the manner of his applications, 
as well as the industry in selecting proper materials." 
The tokens of gratitude received, together with the 
kind entreaties by which they were accompanied, to 
return to x\merica, determined Lafayette again to re- 
visit the theater of his toils and glory. He longed 
to embrace his old comrades in arms, and especially 
to sit at Washington's feet, and learn lessons of peace 
fiom those lips which had been so wise in war. The 
great man having become divested of the cares of 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 195 

public employment, and the responsibilities of office, 
was enjoying the quiet of domestic life in his villa at 
Mount Vernon. Inviting the Marquis to visit him, 
he thus describes his pleasant situation ; " at length I 
have become a private citizen on the banks of the Po- 
tomac; and under the shadow of my own vine, and 
my own fig tree, free from the bustle of the camp, and 
the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself 
with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier 
who is ever in pursuit of fame, — the statesman 
whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in 
devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, 
perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe 
was insufficient for us all, — and the courtier, who is 
always watching the countenance of his prince, in the 
hope of catching a gracious smile, — can have very 
little conception. I have not only retired from all 
public employments, but am retiring within myself, 
and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread 
the paths of private life, with heart-felt satisfaction. 
Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with 
all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my 
march, I will move gently down the stream of life, 
until I sleep with my fathers." 

This invitation Lafayette could not resist. It was 
attended also with a polite request that the Marchion- 
ness should also visit Mt. Vernon ; but this she could 
not accept. The Marquis embarked alone. He 
sailed from Havre on the 1st of July, and arrived at 
Xew York on the 4th of August. ISTothing could ex- 
ceed the cordiality of his reception there. It was 



196 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the first time he had entered the city, and as soon as it 
was known that he had arrived, all ranks of the citi- 
zens left their usual occupations, and hastened to wel- 
come him to their shores. A splendid entertainment 
was given him the day after his arrival, when the offi- 
cers, whom he had fought with in the Revolution, ap- 
peared in their uniforms, which had been long cast 
aside, but were now resumed in honor of the occasion. 
From Kew York he proceeded to Philadelphia, where 
the happy news of his arrival from Europe had pre- 
ceded him. Before he reached the city a numerous 
escort came out to meet him with the most enthusias- 
tic tokens of welcome. He entered the city amid 
the ringing of bells and the thunder of cannon. The 
streets through which he passed were thronged with 
spectators ; every door and window presenting happy 
faces which beamed with delight upon the distin- 
guished guest. The corps of officers from the Penn- 
sylvania line deputed Generals Wayne, St. Clair, and 
Irwin, to congratulate him upon his arrival, and to 
welcome him to the scenes of his fornaer toils and 
fame. The legislature of Pennsylvania voted him a 
flattering address, and all classes were engaged in a 
generous rivalry to do him honor. 

But, meanwhile, the subject of all these demon- 
strations was impatient to behold again his illustrious 
patron and friend. Tearing himself away from 
scenes of festivity, he left Philadelphia on the 14th 
of August, and after stopping at Baltimore, arrived 
on the 19th at Mt. Vernon, beneath the roof hallowed 
by the presence and the virtues of Washington. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 197 

" When we reflect upon the principal events in the 
lives of these two illustrious men ; — the difference in 
their ages and countries ; — the distance which sepa- 
rated them from each other ; — the circumstances 
which brought them together ; — the importance of the 
scenes through which they had passed ; — the glorious 
success of their courageous efforts ; — their mutual 
anxiety again to embrace each other ; — the tender and 
truly paternal esteem of the one, and the respect, ad- 
miration, and filial attachment of the other ; — when 
we reflect upon all this, we find that everything con- 
tributed to stamp this interesting interview with a 
sublimity of character, which had no prototype in the 
annals of man." 

Twelve blissful days were spent at Mount Vernon, 
at the close of which he returned to the north. Ne- 
gotiations with the allied tribes of Indians were now 
in progress, and his influence over them being widely 
extended, he was invited to join the commissioners of 
peace, and assist them in their " talk " with the In- 
dians. Fort Schuyler was the place of meeting, and 
crowds assembled to witness the ceremony. In sullen 
silence the Indians ranged themselves to listen to the 
words of Kayewla, as they termed Lafayette. They 
had been leagued in hostility against the whites, and 
it was feared that they would still refuse all propo- 
sitions of peace. Lafayette had frequently been 
called to treat with them during the war and possessed 
a strong hold over their rude minds. He now ad- 
dressed them, pointing out the advantages of peace, 
and the inevitable destruction which awaited them, 



198 LIFE OF GENERAL 

if they persisted in ravaging the frontiers. The 
lordly denizens of the forest heard him with a confi.- 
denee which they would not have given any other 
white man, and as he closed his speech, his point was 
gained. " Father," said one of the chiefs in reply, 
" we have heard thy voice, and we rejoice that thon 
hast visited thy children, to give to them good and 
necessary advice. Thou hast said that we have done 
wrong in opening our ears to wicked men, and clos- 
ing our hearts to thy counsels. Father ! it is all true ; 
— we have left the good path; we have wandered 
away from it, and been enveloped in a black cloud. 
We have now returned, that thou mayest find in us, 
good and faithful children. Father ! we rejoice to 
hear thy voice among us; — it seems that the Great 
Spirit has directed thy footsteps to this council of 
friendship, to smoke the calumet of peace and fellow- 
ship, with thy long lost children." 

After making presents to the chiefs, he left them 
with the treaty fully ratified, and proceeded on his 
way amid the acclamations and public rejoicings of 
every community through which he passed. Press- 
ing invitations were now crowding upon him to visit 
Boston, and he accordingly directed his journey to- 
wards that cradle of liberty, — the metropolis of New 
England. On his way, enthusiastic demonstrations 
of welcome were given him at Hartfor^i and Worces- 
ter as well as at the smaller towns through which his 
road lay. But it was for Boston to crown his ova- 
tion with the richest triumph. Before he reached 
the city a magnificent military procession, bearing the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 199 

flags of America and France, came out to escort him 
thither. A salute of thirteen guns greeted him as he 
came in sight, Avhich was also the signal for a vast 
number of citizens to join the cavalcade. With great 
pomp, led on by martial music, and, over all, the re- 
newed pealing of bells, he was ushered into the me- 
tropolis. Every street through which he passed, as 
well as the doors, windows, and roofs of the houses, 
was filled with spectators, who made the air ring with 
their unceasing acclamations. As he passed up State 
street, another salute of thirteen guns was fired. 
With these rejoicings he was conducted to his lodg- 
ings, and on the evening of this memorable day, the 
municipal authorities ordered the lamps of the city 
to be re-lighted for the first time since the conclusion 
of the war. Fire works and illuminations were the 
order of the night. The state government also united 
with that of the city in their enthusiastic expres- 
sions of regard. 

On the 19th of October, the anniversary of the ca- 
pitulation of Cornwallis, — the governor of the state — 
the president of the senate — the speaker of the house 
of representatives — the executive council, and the 
members of the two houses — assembled in the great 
hall of audience, to offer their congratulations to La- 
fayette on his happy arrival in America. " When 
the Marquis was introduced, the governor, in elo- 
quent and impressive terms, testified the high esteem 
and gratitude entertained for him by the state of Mas- 
sachusetts, the remembrance of which could never be 
effaced. — The report of this ceremony having spread 



200 LIFE OF GENERAL 

itself over the city, all the neighboring streets were 
completely crowded with people, and it was with great 
difficulty that a lane was formed, by the military 
through the multitude, to the City Hotel. When this 
was effected, Lafayette appeared, accompanied hj 
the governor, the members of the legislature, the old 
continental officers, the clergymen of different sects, 
and the principal citizens, who escorted him into the 
great saloons of the hotel, where an entertainment 
had been prepared for five hundred persons. Thir- 
teen arcades were thrown across the bottom of the 
saloon, emblematical of the thirteen states of the 
Union. Lafayette was seated beneath the center 
arch, from which a fleur de lis was suspended. After 
dinner, thirteen patriotic toasts were drunk, and each 
one celebrated by thirteen guns stationed in the 
market place. When the health of WASHiisroToisr 
was pronounced, a curtain, placed behind Lafayette, 
immediately fell, and disclosed the portrait of that 
great man, encircled with laurels, and decorated with 
the flags of America and Trance. Lafayette arose 
and steadfastly regarded it with a mixture of tender- 
ness, pleasure and surprise. For a few moments he 
gazed in silent admiration, when a voice exclaimed, 
— ' Long t.ive Washington ! ' — the effect was elec- 
trical; — the name of the gallant chieftain of liberty 
resounded from all parts of the room, and the shouts 
of ' Long t.ive Washington ! ' were drowned amid 
peals of applause and enthusiastic acclamations. On 
the same evening Mrs. Hayley gave a grand ball, ac- 
companied with splendid fireworks in honor of Laf ay- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 201 

ette, and her house was brilliantly illuminated. The 
legislative assembly granted him the privilege of as- 
sisting in their sittings, which he frequently made use 
of during his stay in Boston." 

The scenes through which he now passed were a 
continual triumph. The magnificent welcome which 
Bonaparte afterwards received, when his negotiations 
at Bayonne had added the Spanish crown to the 
French domain, did not exceed that which Lafayette 
now enjoyed. The triumph of the Emperor, while it 
displayed the most enthusiastic admiration on the 
part of his people, manifested but little love; while 
that of the Marquis mingled the highest admiration 
with the warmest affection. From Boston he visited 
the towns of Salem, Cape Ann, Marblehead, Beverly, 
.Newbury port, Portsmouth, N. H., and then return- 
ing to Boston he proceeded to Providence and the 
scenes of his active labors in Rhode Island. Return- 
ing once more to Boston he embarked in the royal 
frigate La jS^ymphe and sailed for the theater of his 
greatest military glory, — the mouth of York River in 
Chesapeake Bay. He landed at Yorktown, but it 
was with no ordinary emotions that he set his foot 
upon shore and looked over the scenes, consecrated 
by the triumphant issue of the struggle for American 
freedom. Before him was Virginia and here was 
Yorktown where he had baffled the manoeuvres, re- 
stricted the operations and involved in inextricable 
toils one of the bravest and most accomplished gen- 
erals of Europe. 

From Yorktown the Marquis proceeded to Wil- 



202 LIFE OF GENERAL 

liamsburg whose inhabitants came out and received 
their gallant defender with indescribable marks of 
enthusiasm and love. From this city he proceeded 
to Richmond, which he entered on the 18th of ISTo- 
vember, meeting with a reception transcending, if 
possible, all former display. Washington was wait- 
ing for him here, and after the gallant Marquis had 
received the congratulations of the city and the legis- 
lature of the state, then in session at Richmond, he ac- 
companied his revered friend once more to the shades 
of Mount Vernon. For about a week he remained, 
enjoying the hospitality of the Father of his country 
and then the two friends proceeded together to An- 
napolis. At this city and at Alexandria they re- 
mained for some time, honoring with their presence 
the brilliant festivals given them there. The legis- 
latures of both Virginia and Maryland voted flatter- 
ing addresses and conferred upon him and his male 
heirs the rights of citizenship in each of these states. 
The honors accorded to the Marquis in this, the 
theater of his hardest toil and brightest glory, fell 
gratefully upon his heart and lay there like sunbeams 
brightening and warming some of the dark and cold 
scenes through which he was afterwards to pass. 

Lafayette's reception had been more flattering than 
he had dreamed of, and met with his overflowing 
thankfulness, but the time which he had assigned for 
his visit was now drawing to a close, and he prepared 
to return to France. At Annapolis he parted, for 
the last time, wuth his revered friend. It was a 
mournful separation to both, for they seemed to have 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 203 

a premonition that they should see each other's face 
no more. This presentiment saddened the buoyant 
spirit of Lafayette, while it deepened the natural 
gravity of Washington, as each gave to the other his 
parting adieux. " In the moment of our separation," 
writes Washington afterwards to him, " and every 
hour since, I have felt all that love, respect, and at- 
tachment for you, with which length of years, close 
connection, and your merits have inspired me. I 
often asked myself, as our carriages separated, 
whether that was the last sight I should ever have of 
you, — and though I wished to say. No ; my fears an- 
swered. Yes. I called to mind the days of my youth, 
and found they had fled to return no more ; — that I 
was now descending the hill I had been fifty years 
climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good 
constitution, I was of a short lived family, and might 
soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my 
fathers. These thoughts darkened the shades and 
gave a gloom to the picture, and, consequently, to my 
prospect of seeing you again." 

Journeying northward, the Marquis took leave of 
Congress, which was then in session at Trenton. Ap- 
propriate marks of consideration were awarded him 
by that body, who appointed a committee, consisting 
of one member from each state, to receive and take 
leave of him in their name. They instructed the 
committee to assure Lafayette " that Congress con- 
tinue to entertain the same high sense of his abilities 
and zeal to promote the Avelfare of America, both, 
here and in Europe, which they have frequently eX' 



204 IIFE OF GENERAL 

pressed and manifested on former occasions, and 
which the recent marks of his attention to their com- 
mercial and other interests, have perfectly confirmed. 
That, as his uniform and unceasing attachment to 
this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, 
the United States regard him with particular affec- 
tion, and will not cease to feel an interest in what- 
ever may concern his honor and prosperity; — and 
that their best and kindest wishes will always attend 
him." Mr. Jay, as chairman of the committee, com- 
municated to the Marquis these instructions, and re- 
ceived a reply, every syllable of which came warmly 
from a heart still beating with affection for the new 
born Kepublic. It concluded as follows : " In un- 
bounded wishes to America^ Sir, I am happy to ob- 
serve the prevailing disposition of the people to 
strengthen the confederation, preserve public faith, 
regulate trade, and, in a proper guard over continen- 
tal magazines and frontier posts, in a general system 
of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to 
ensure every kind of safety. May this immense 

TEMPLE OF FREEDOM EVEK STAND A LESSON TO OP- 
PKESSORSj AN EXAMPLE TO THE OPPRESSED^ AND A 
SANCTUARY FOR THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND ! and may 

these happy United States attain that complete splen- 
dor and prosperity which will illustrate the blessings 
of their government, and for ages to come, rejoice the 
departed souls of its founders." 

With the blessing of every one resting upon him, 
Lafayette proceeded on to ISTew York and embarked 
again for Erance. On the 25th of December, 1784, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYfiTTE. $05 

he sailed from America for the third time, and after 
a prosperous voyage on board the frigate La ISTymphe, 
he arrived in Paris on the 25th of January, 1785. 

Again in Europe, the mind of Lafayette became 
incessantly active on the interesting and important 
field which ojieued before him. He now entered the 
theater of European politics for the first time, though 
his connection with American history did not yet 
wholly cease. He still interested himself in the wel- 
fare of the new Republic, whose commercial interests 
with Europe, and particularly with France, he 
spared no pains to establish. That his services were 
appreciated, is seen in a letter from Washington to 
him, dated Sept. 1st, 1Y85, in which he assured the 
Marquis that his constant attention, and unwearied 
endeavors to serve the interests of the United States 
could not fail to keep alive in them a grateful sensi- 
bility, and preserve for him the affectionate regard 
of all their citizens. 

During the year 1785 the Marquis visited his 
estates in Torraine, and afterwards he visited the 
courts of many of the German princes, where were 
added extraordinary tokens of the admiration which 
his military and political conduct had diffused over 
Europe. But at no time did he disguise the love for 
freedom which was the master passion of his being. 
The flattering distinction with which he was greeted 
by the different crowned heads whom he visited could 
not extinguish this. The attention which he every 
where received, even in the midst of the most rigid 
aristocracy and monarchy, showed how much the 



206 LIFE OF GENERAL 

MAN could make himself felt, simply by the force of 
his own character and innate worth. 

In September of this year, he attended at Potsdam 
the grand reviews of Frederick the Great, and greatly 
enriched his own experience by the sight of fifty thou- 
sand men going through the varied evolutions of bat- 
tles, sieges and storms, under the personal direction 
of the most accomplished General of his age. When 
Frederick was advised of the presence of Lafayette, 
he sent an aid de camp and invited him to Sans 
Soucie without delay. Frederick was a tyrant, but 
in many respects he had a great soul, and on the 
present occasion he did not conceal from Lafayette 
the admiration which he felt for his character and 
that of Washington. With a nobleness which few 
despots possess, he treated with marked attention the 
still youthful hero whose heart was beating to an im- 
pulse which would crush his despotism and hurl him 
from his throne. The tyrant and the defender of lib- 
erty held long and interesting conversations together, 
in which the American Kevolution and the progress 
of free principles were the prominent topics. In 
one of these conversations Frederick expressed the 
opinion that America would not long continue a re- 
public. " By and by," said he, " she will return to 
the good old system. Lafayette replied with warmth 
and enthusiasm, " l^ever. Sire, never," said he, 
" neither monarchy, nor aristocracy, can ever exist 
in America." " Sir," said Frederick, with one of 
those penetrating looks which he knew so well how to 
command, ^' Sir, I knew a young man, who, Q.itex. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 207 

having visited countries where liberty and equality 
reigned, conceived the idea of establishing the same 
system in his own country. Do you know what hap- 
pened to him ? " " ISTo, Sire." " He was hanged," 
said the King, Lafayette looked up with a calm 
smile which neither betrayed fear, nor indicated in 
the least, to the anxious Frederick, what were his 
secret thoughts. A cloud, rather than a smile, would 
have rested upon the countenance of both King and 
Marquis, could they have foreseen the events of the 
next ten years. This unwritten history was to be full 
of moment to them both. Lafayette remained for 
some days enjoying the hospitality and kindness of 
the King, and when the time came for them to part, 
it was with mutual regard. Upon taking his leave, 
Frederick presented. the Marquis with his miniature 
set in diamonds, and with sincere affection expressed 
the hope that this memento might often recall his 
image to his thoughts. 

Lafayette's love of liberty and hatred of oppression 
were sincere and unfeigned. He hated slavery be- 
cause he was a great man, and as such could not do 
otherwise. Soon after the completion of the Ameri- 
can war, he wrote to Washington upon the subject. 
" Permit me, my dear General," said he, " now that 
you are about to enjoy some repose, to propose a plan 
for elevating the African race. Let us unite in pur- 
chasing a small estate, where we may try the experi- 
ment to free the negroes, and use them only as 
tenants. Such an example as yours, would render 
the practice general, and if we should succeed iu 



208 l^i^E OF GENERAL 

America, I "will cheerfully devote a part of my time 
to render the plan fashionable in the West Indies. 
If it be a wild scheme, I would rather be mad in that 
way, than be thought wise on the other tack." 

This plan, Lafayette now began to put in execu- 
tion. He purchased a plantation in Cayenne, with a 
large number of slaves, and, proposing their gradual 
emancipation, he began to fit them for a proper en- 
joyment of their freedom, by a thorough course of 
education. In this he was guided only by the purest 
benevolence, and had the satisfaction of finding that 
his efforts were not in vain. He had the pleasure 
of a cordial sympathy with his views from distin- 
guished American patriots, who had not learned to 
despise the inalienable rigJits of man, for which they 
had so long striven. Washington, Adams, Franklin, 
Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry and others, gave 
him their cheerful aid. Washington wrote to him. 
May 10th, 1786, in which he thus alludes to his 
scheme: — ''Your late purchase in Cayenne, with a 
view of emancipating your slaves, is a generous and 
noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like 
spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds of 
the people of this country. But I despair of seeing 
it. Some petitions were presented to the Virginia 
Assembly, at its last session, for the abolition of slav- 
ery, but they could scarcely obtain a hearing. To set 
the slaves afloat at once would, I really believe, be 
productive of much inconvenience and mischief; — 
but, by degrees, it certainly might, and assuredly 
ought, to be effected, and that, too, by legislative au- 



MARQUIS t)E LAFAYETTE. 20D 

thorlty." It might be well if the sentiments of 
Washington and Lafayette actuated the councils of 
the nation which they labored effectually to bless with 
the boon of freedom. 

This period was also distinguished by the efforts of 
Lafayette in behalf of the persecuted French Protes- 
tants. Though himself belonging to the Romish 
Church, he had none of the bigotry or intolerance so 
generally seen in that body, but he hated the tyranny 
of a priesthood as intensely as that of a king. Lie 
made a visit to the Protestants who chiefly resided 
in the south of France, and having carefully inquired 
into their grievances, returned to Paris and applied 
his energies to their removal. Despotism was made 
to stay its hand before his efforts, bigotry relaxed 
its stern grasp, " and justice gave back to the op- 
pressed the invaluable, inalienable, right to worship 
God in their own way — to obey Him rather than 
man." 



14 



210 LIFE OF GENERAL 



CHAPTER VII. 

TiroiTGH we are still to contemplate Lafayette as 
the same exalted character, we shall now view him in 
a different theater, and an actor in widely different 
scenes. Having accomplished his sublime mission 
upon a foreign soil, the mighty question now before 
his thought was, Why may not France be as free as 
America ? While on his visit to Frederick the Great, 
said he — " Do you believe that I went to America to 
obtain military reputation ? — It was for liberty I 
went there. He who loves liberty can only remain 
quiet after having established it in his own country." 
These remarkable words indicated fully what was the 
desire of his heart towards France, and what would 
be his course of action whenever a favorable oppor- 
tunity should arise. He was ready for any sacrifice, 
and his wakeful discernment could not fail to per- 
ceive that the time was coming when one would have 
to be made. Clouds, dark and heavy, were gathered 
around the political horizon, in whose , threatening 
aspect he clearly read the foreboded storm. What 
if it be a tempest, he asked of himself, which shall 
overthrow every tower of despotism, and leave only 
the ruins upon which may be erected the more glo- 
rious edifice of freedom ! His heart answered calmly 
— Thus let it be. 

Before bearing the reader to the French Revolu- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 211 

tion, it will be necessary briefly to sketch the causes 
which gave rise to that remarkable period in history. 
The atrocities to which it led, have hung a pall of 
gloom and terror around it, which makes the mind as- 
sociate with it only the idea of anarchy and reckless 
ferocity. We do not wish to palliate at all these 
features in this Kevolution, and only set the matter in 
its true light when we say that, its beginning did 
not at all contemplate such an end. Its origin lay in 
the progress of the democratic principle which had 
advanced to decisive action, in the revolutionary 
struggles of both Britain and her revolted colonies. 
France had been ripening long for such an outbreak. 
The English struggle in the seventeenth century, 
would have awakened, at the same time, a correspond- 
ing one in France, had the reins of the French gov- 
ernment been then held by a tyrant as weak-minded 
and inefficient as Charles. Louis XIV. ruled his 
people with a rod of iron, but his dazzling genius com- 
manded their respect, and the height of glory to which 
he was raising France, won from them shouts of ad- 
miration, even amid the groans of their oppression. 
It was during his reign, that absolute monarchy was 
definitely established. The crown arrogated the 
right to dispose alike of person and of property, with- 
out the slightest regard to law or equity. Parliament 
had no longer any will of its own, the nobility were 
reduced to a state of perfect dependence, and at the 
close of the life of the greatest king she had known 
since the days of Charlemagne, Frnnce lay manacled 
in every limb. Still, outw^ardly, all was fair. Com- 



212 LIFE OF GENERAL 

merce was flourishing; — science and art were shed- 
ding their mild glories over the nation ; — letters were 
cultivated, and the military reputation of France was 
known and respected throughout Europe ; but under- 
neath this fair exterior, were kindled the slow fires of 
an earthquake, destined to rock half a continent in its 
march, and crumble the throne of an ancient and 
powerful monarchy. 

A reaction ensued immediately upon the death of 
Louis XIV., but the ascendency which the crown had 
gained during his reign, enabled his successor to 
maintain his prerogatives against the encroachments 
of parliament, while he perceived that the struggle 
between king and people was fast hastening to the 
unequal contest.* Louis XVI. took the scepter in 
1774, a prince weak-minded, but amiable, and willing 
to do all in his power to lessen the burdens under 
which his people were groaning. He had a good 
heart but a poor head ; and while he did every thing 



* Louis XV., who is not mentioned here, was the great- 
grandson and successor of the fiimous sovereign, Louis XIV., 
known as " Le Grand Monavque." The early part of tlie reign 
of Louis XV. was creditable and prosperous ; but after the 
death of the prime minister Fleury, the king gave himself 
up to unparalleled vices and to extravagances which were 
very disastrous. For a long period Madame de Pompadour 
was the power behind the throne. France was unnecessarily 
drawn into the Seven Years' War — which was primarily a 
war between Frederick the Great of Prussia and Marie 
Theresa of Austria — and not only suffered immiliating and 
costly defeats in Europe, including the battles of Rossbach 
and Minden, but, as an indirect and far more calamitous 
result, lost the colonies of Canada and prestige in India and 
elsewhere. Tliis king, remembered chiefly for his vices and 
his blunders, died iu 1774, and was succeeded by his grandson, 
Louis XVI. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 213 

with the best intentions, it was his misfortune to suc- 
ceed in nothing. It was suicidal for him to encour- 
age and aid the American Revolution as he did, for 
this was, without doubt, accessory to that which oc- 
curred in France. 

Says a historian of this event, — " It is difficult to 
suppose that so many thousand officers and soldiers 
had visited and fought in behalf of the rights of 
America, without being imbued with something of a 
kindred spirit. There, they beheld a new and happy 
nation, among whom the pride of birth and the dis- 
tinctions of rank were alike unknown ; there they, 
for the first time, saw virtue, and talents, and cour- 
age, rewarded ; there they viewed, with surprise, a 
sovereign people fighting, not for a master, but them- 
selves, and haranguing, deliberating, dispensing jus- 
tice, and administering the laws, by representatives 
of their own free choice. On their return, the con- 
trast was odious and intolerable ; — they beheld family 
preferred to merit, influence to justice, wealth to 
worth ; — they began to examine into a constitution, 
in which the monarch, whom they were now accus- 
tomed to consider as only the first magistrate, was 
everything, and the people, the fountain of all' power, 
merely cyphers, — and they may well be supposed to 
have wished, and even languished, for a change. 

" In fine, the people being left entirely destitute of 
redress or protection, the royal authority paramount 
and unbounded ; — the laws venal, the peasantry op- 
pressed ; agriculture in a languishing state, commerce 
considered as degrading; the public revenues farmed 



214 LIFE OF GENERAL 

out to greedy financiers ; the public money consumed 
by a court wallowing in luxury; and every institu- 
tion at variance with justice, policy, and reason; — a 
change became inevitable in the ordinary course of 
human events ; and, like all sudden alterations in cor- 
rupt states, was accompanied with temporary evils 
and crimes, that made many good men look back on 
the ancient despotism with a sigh." 

But it was not alone the influence of the officers, 
and soldiers fresh from the field of American liberty, 
nor the hand of despotism upon the exasperated 
masses, which gave the greatest shock to the tottering 
dynasty of the Bourbons. The most fatal blow was 
given by the derangement of the public finances 
which already elicited loud murmurs throughout the 
kingdom. The annual deficit amounted to millions, 
and after having exhausted every resource to supply 
it, Louis and his ministers beheld the fearful gulf, 
from which they could only recoil by a step almost 
as disastrous as ruin itself. The forcible and illegal 
exactions, which, in the seventeenth century, had 
proved destructive to Charles in England, the King 
dared not avail himself of, for, in his weakness, he 
knew that it would involve him in complete over- 
throw. After long vacillation, at one time under the 
control of the ministry, at another blindly influenced 
by the queen ; — now ready to make any concessions to 
Parliament and his people, and again sternly refus- 
ing to yield at all, the King placed M. de Calonne * at 

* Charles Alexander Calonne (1734r-1802), while Minister of 
Louis XVI., recklessly wasted the finances, Fertile in expe- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 215 

the head of his cabinet and tactily committed his for- 
tunes into his hands. At this point the wheel of 
Rev^olution began to move. 

De Calonne saw at a glance the true position of 
affairs. He perceived that the finances of the king- 
dom could never be successfully arranged, except by 
a reform which would strike a blow at the very root of 
the evil, as it lay in the French constitution itself. 
To accomplish this was more than King or Parlia- 
ment could do, and the mind of the minister turned 
towards the States-General, the true and legitimate 
Assembly of the nation, believing that hope could rise 
from no other source. This Body had not met since 
the year 1614, and when de Calonne proposed that it 
again be convened, the mind of the Sovereign revolted 
from it with terror. The States-General would be 
composed of representatives from every class in his 
kingdom, and Louis shrank with instinctive appre- 
hension from a meeting which would submit his af- 
fairs to the closest scrutiny of those whom he knew 
were suffering the weight of his exactions. Another 
assembly had been occasionally substituted instead 
of this, and as it consisted only of those who were 
nominated by the King himself, Louis determined to 
invoke it. This was called the Assembly of Notables, 
and on the 29th of December, 1786, the royal proela- 

dients, he adopted the policy of disguising the national finan- 
cial distress by a sliow of pi'osperity, which was accomplished 
by temporary loans and other devices. In his plan of the 
Assembly of Notables he unwittingly set in motion the wheels 
of the Revolution. Dui'ing the period of the Revolution he 
lived in exile, chiefly in London, where he wrote some works 
on finances that were of real ability. 



216 LIFE OF GENERAL 

mation was issued summoning them to meet and take 
into consideration the state of the realm. 

Lafayette was chosen a member, and on the 22d of 
February, 1787, he took his seat with his associates, 
prepared for a bold endeavor in the removal of griev- 
ances past endurance. His own loved France was 
dearer than ever to his heart, now that he saw her 
struggling under the weight of an oppression which 
made every feeling of his soul burn with indignation. 
The enormous deficit of over a hundred millions of 
livres,* could not be kept secret, and when made 
known, Lafayette, and other members of the As- 
sembly, saw that something more was necessary than 
merely to supply this present need. The investiga- 
tion into the public matters, urgently demanded by 
the Assembly, and at last reluctantly granted by the 
King, showed a monstrous growth of evil and cor- 
ruption which could not with safety again be con- 
cealed. The festering wound had been already al- 
lowed to prey too long in secret upon the body politic, 
and now that it had once been opened, it could not be 
outwardly closed till it was internally healed. 

Lafayette, as usual, busied himself in the work of 
reform. The enormous peculation which existed in 
every department ; — the shameful manner in w^hich 
the administration of justice was conducted ; — the il- 
legal taxes which had been levied upon the people ; — 
the violent subversion of right, and the long train of 
abuses which royal authority had sanctioned, and min- 
isterial influence executed, revealed to him wrongs 

* The livre was worth 19^ cents. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 217 

which his mind, though partially prepared for a dis- 
closure, had yet never dreamed to exist. The abyss 
of corruption, as it was fully displayed, startled for a 
moment but did not appal him. He calmly surveyed 
its depth, and with the same spirit which had borne 
him fearlessly amid the onset of battle prepared for 
the crisis before him. He rose from his seat, and 
with dignified firmness, uttered his protest against 
the prevailing evils, and demanded redress. With 
stern rebuke he condemned the system which had been 
so fatally practiced by the government, and with a 
courage not at all intimidated by the fact that a 
younger brother of the King was President of the 
Council, he exhibited the disorder to which this had 
led in all the public departments. '" I repeat," he 
concluded, " with renewed confidence, the remark, 
that the millions which are dissipated, are collected 
by taxation, and that taxation can only be justified by 
the real wants of the state; — that the millions aban- 
doned to peculation or avarice, are the fruits of the 
labor, the tears, and perhaps the blood, of the people; 
— and that the computation of unfortunate individ- 
uals, which has been made for the purpose of realiz- 
ing sums so heedlessly squandered, affords a frightful 
subject of consideration for the justice and goodness 
which, we feel convinced, are the natural sentiments 
of his majesty." 

The reforms which Lafayette urged were too mo- 
mentous, and involved principles too novel, to imme- 
diately enlist in their execution, men who had grown 
gray in the dream that France could never be other- 



218 LIFE OF GENERAL 

wise than she had been; but he was unmoved by his 
comparative isolation. Though apparently overborne 
by the tide of opposition, he was confident that they 
could not perish. They will rise again, was his un- 
faltering language, and their notes will be heard 
above the cry of oppression, and will ring in the ear 
of tyranny till its voice shall be mute forever. 

Before the Assembly closed its session, Lafayette 
saw clear indications that he had not spoken in vain. 
The accents of truth had been heard, and with in- 
terest and delight he watched the energy of their quiet 
might. He did not, for a moment, relax his efforts. 
With an eye that never quailed, he looked upon the 
scowling minions of despotism around him, and heard 
without misgiving, threats which came to him in no 
ambiguous form. It was proposed to the King, that 
he be sent to the Bastile, but the Marquis only smiled 
at the menace, and toiled on in his work. Favors 
could not bribe, frowns could not force him from his 
purpose. He discerned from the first a radical error 
in attempting to originate all the necessary reforms 
in a body, constituted as was the Assembly of ISTo- 
tables. It was the common people who were bur- 
dened, and these had no representation there. Every 
attempt in behalf of these, would fail unless they 
themselves could send a delegation which should 
bring their own wants and sufferings before those who 
held the power of relief. Lafayette felt that the l^o- 
tables should give way for the States-General, and 
this conviction he openly expressed to the former. 
The known hostility of the King to this measure, and 



maHquis de Lafayette. ^19 

the fact that if adopted would greatly abridge the 
privileges of the nobility, interposed no barrier to La- 
fayette. He offered to the Assembly a memorial for 
the King, in which, after having, in a masterly man- 
ner, recounted the existing evils, he entreated his 
majesty to convoke a National Assembly, which 
might accomplish the regeneration of France. When 
this was offered, the President of the Council started 
from his seat in amazement, " Wliat, sir," said he, 
" do you ask for the convocation of the States-Gen- 
eral?" 

" Yes, my lord, and even more than that," was the 
calm reply. 

'^ You wish me, then, to write, and to carry to the 
King, that the Marquis de Lafayette moves to con- 
voke the States-General ? " 

" Yes, my lord." 

The proposition, which met with but little favor 
when first uttered in the Assembly, was hailed with 
acclamation by the public. The notables, appalled by 
the increasing difficulties before them, at length 
yielded to the public clamor, and the King, borne on 
against his will, issued the royal edict, and com- 
manded the States-General to meet. This was the 
first act of a tragedy, in which he was to be the slain 
victim ; and although he did not discern the prophecy, 
others read, clearly as if a handwriting were tracing 
characters of fire on the palace walls, the fearful an- 
nouncement of his doom ! 

The first iVssembly was convoked by Phillippe le 
Bel, in 1303, and had since been convened at irregu- 



220 LIFE OF GENERAL 

lar periods, and at times of peculiar exigency to the 
kingdom. It was composed of the three estates of 
the kingdom, the nobles, the clergy, and the tiei^s Hat, 
or common people, in such numbers and proportions 
as the King, or some council which he should choose 
to consult, should determine. Here arose the first 
difficulty in the construction of the new States-Gen- 
eral. Louis shrunk from allowing the common 
people a prominent representation, and they would 
not be satisfied without it. It was contended that the 
tiers Hat comprised the great body of the nation, and 
though owning but a small portion of the land it 
tilled the whole, and was entitled in reason and jus- 
tice, to a number of deputies, equal at least, to that of 
the two other orders. Louis hesitated to decide the 
matter either for or against the people and referred 
the whole subject to the notables. Free principles had 
been gaining ground with them, but not to the extent 
which would prevent a struggle, while justice and 
liberty attained the ascendant. A stormy debate 
arose in which the friends of freedom encountered 
the bitter hostility to right, sanctioned by ancient 
custom, and fostered by hoary prejudice. Lafayette, 
of course, espoused the cause of the masses, and lifted 
his voice earnestly in their behalf, but it was in vain; 
and the decision was at length given against the meas- 
ure. 

JSTeither the King nor the Assembly, was prepared 
for the storm that ensued. An outcry was heard 
throughout the realm, from the down trodden classes, 
declaring that they would submit to injustice no 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 22l 

longer. A host of writers appeared, whose burning 
language fed the flame of excitement and kindled the 
fiercest resentment in every quarter of France. 
'" Give us the States-General ! " was the shout which 
came like the sound of many waters on every breeze 
to the ears of the King, and rolled unceasingly over 
Paris. From the Alps, the Pyrennees, the plains of 
Flanders, the borders of the Channel, and the shores 
of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, the wild cry 
of determination was uttered. The King, unable to 
resist the tempest, took the widest course, and bowed 
before its might. A royal proclamation was issued 
ordaining that the total number of deputies for the 
States-General, should be at least a thousand, conced- 
ing the vital point that the representation of the tiers 
etat should be equal to that of the other two orders 
united. 

This body, whose strange history so far as con- 
nected with the subject of our narration, we now 
proceed to unfold, assembled on the 5th of May, 1789. 
The republicans in principle, congratulated them- 
selves on the prospect before them, and believed that 
the time for the regeneration of France was at hand. 
Lafayette was chosen a deputy without opposition, by 
the nobility of Auvergne, and took his seat, supported 
in his views by the deepest feeling in the nation. The 
Assembly was opened with great pomp. A solemn 
procession of extraordinary magnificence took place, 
in which the King, the three orders,* and all the 

* That is, the nobility, the clergy, and the commons on 
or tiers etat. 



222 t^IFE OF GENERAL 

great dignitaries of state, repaired to the church of 
JSTotre Dame, and invoked the blessing of Heaven to 
crown the deliberations about to commence. It was 
a splendid spectacle, and greeted with the most joyous 
acclamations. Says one who formed a part of the 
procession, — " The streets were hung with tapestry 
belonging to the crown ; — the regiments of the 
Trench and Swiss guards formed a line from IsTotre 
Dame to Saint Louis; — an immense concourse of 
people looked on, as we passed, in respectful silence; 
— the balconies were adorned with costly stuffs, the 
windows filled with spectators of all ages and both 
sexes ; — every face bespoke kindly emotions, every 
eye sparkled with joy; — the clapping of hands, ex- 
pressions of the warmest interest, the looks that met 
us and that still followed after we were out of sight, 
formed a rapturous, enchanting scene, to which I 
should vainly strive to do justice. Bands of music, 
placed at intervals, rent the air with melodious 
sounds, military marches, the rolling of drums, the 
clang of trumpets, the noble chants of the priests, al- 
ternately heard, without discordance, without con- 
fusion, enlivened this triumphal procession to the 
temple of the Almighty." 

At the first meeting of the Assembly for the trans- 
action of business, the three orders convened in sep- 
arate departments. The great Hall of the States was 
assigned to the tiers Hat, and the first step of this 
body was to send up a proposition that the three 
estates should assemble together for the purpose of 
examining and verifying in common the credentials 



Marquis de lafayette. 223 

of the members. This was rejected by the nobles and 
the clergy, but persisted in by the tiers etat, who re- 
fused to organize till the point was yielded. Lafay- 
ette advocated the proposed method of verification, 
but it was too humiliating for the aristocracy to allow 
their credentials to be inquired into by the populace, 
and they resolutely refused to meet them. After a 
long contest, the States-General found themselves, at 
the end of five weeks, in the same inactive state as at 
first. Toothing had been done except proposals for 
union by the one party, and obstinate rejection of 
them by the other. 

This course seemed likely to continue till the pa- 
tience of those who had anticipated so much from the 
Assembly should be wholly exhausted. It was at 
this juncture that the tiers etat resolved upon action 
fraught with most momentous consequences to the 
subsequent history of the revolution. They made a 
last attempt at union, and finding this to fail, they 
resolved themselves into a legislative body under the 
name of the National Assembly, and on the memor- 
able 17th of June, 1789, made the announcement to 
the public, expressing their intention to accomplish 
their work of political reform. It was entirely un- 
expected, and received with consternation by the 
court and privileged classes. It was in vain, how- 
ever, for them to oppose. The King attempted to in- 
terpose his prerogative, and the nobility asserted its 
rights, but neither could shake the decision, and both 
Louis and his advisers were at length forced to com- 
ply with its conditions. Lafayette strenuously advo- 



22i LIFE OF GENERAL 

cated the union, and with a sturdy minority o£ forty- 
seven members, embracing distinguished citizens, he 
opposed the proceedings of the court. He warned 
the nobles to beware lest their resistance to the meas- 
ure should only destroy themselves. He told them 
that they were clinging to a tottering fabric, whose 
crumbling foundations would at last fail and bring 
upon them a general destruction ; — that persisting in 
their present position, they were taking a course of 
folly and madness, like the shipwrecked sailor in the 
midst of the ocean and the storm, throwing away the 
only plank which could save him, and buffeting alone 
the billows. But they saw no danger, and urged the 
King to interfere for the protection of his crown and 
their ancestral honors. 

Louis, jealous of his own sovereignty, undertook 
the work, and proposed by his own presence to awe, 
as he termed them, his rebellious subjects into sub- 
mission. Before, however, appearing in their meet- 
ing, he chose to make a display of his authority, by 
closing the doors and stationing a guard over the Hall 
where the self-styled National Assembly was accus- 
tomed to hold its sittings. Such interposition, 
guided by the blindest infatuation, was only adding 
oil to the flames, which were burning full fiercely 
enough before. The deputies, gathering to the morn- 
ing session on the 20th of June, were told by the 
police of soldiers, that the King had adjourned their 
sitting until the 22d. Astonishment was the first 
emotion, which soon gave way to one of exasperation 
and sternest purpose. Their former place of meet- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 225 

ing was denied them, and they proceeded to another, 
where they cahnly deliberated upon the darkening 
future. The Rubicon was passed, and there now 
went up accents more startling and more united, than 
had ever been heard in France. They fell like a 
death knell upon the ear of monarchy, and made the 
throne of despotism rock upon its heavy base. It 
demanded a Constitution for the French Peo- 
ple, which should embrace in its provisions, governor 
and general alike, making both strictly amenable to 
its sanctions. And in full view of the indignity 
which had that day been offered to them by the crown, 
and through them to the people, they solemnly re- 
solved, under an oath administered to them in open 
assembly, to which all but one of the deputies sub- 
scribed, " never to separate, and to assemble when- 
ever circumstances should require till the constitution 
of the kingdom should be established and founded on 
a solid basis." 

The Assembly of the tiers etat in their Hall, was 
farther postponed by the King, till the 23d, and upon 
assembling on the morning of that day, they found a 
guard still in attendance. For a long time they were 
denied entrance, and when this was granted, they 
found their seats already occupied by the higher 
classes. In sullen silence they ranged themselves 
about the Hall, each one determining for the present 
to hear and not to speak. The bayonet glittered there 
and the parade of royalty, but none were moved by 
either. The King addressed them, not with words 



15 



226 LIFE OF GENERAL 

of conciliation to win them back, but "with haughty 
arrogance, which increased their resistance. He an- 
nulled all the previous proceedings of the tiers etat 
and energetically reproved them for assuming to 
themselves the liberty to act, without the union or 
consent of the higher orders. He reproached them 
for taking the title of ISTational Assembly and bade 
them abandon it. He told them that he was the sole 
representative of the people, and that if he met with 
fresh obstacles from the Assembly, he would take the 
matter into his own hands, and singly establish the 
welfare of France. The King concluded his address, 
and ordered the Assembly to separate immediately. 
He left the Hall, followed by the nobility and part 
of the clergy, while the commons and a majority of 
the ecclesiastics remained. For a time no one spoke. 
The echoes of the retiring footsteps of Louis had died 
away, the last shouts of vive le Roi were lost in the 
distance, and still the profoundest silence reigned in 
the chamber, where the parade of authority, and the 
pomp of power, had been so lately seen. 

At length there was a movement, and a man of 
middle stature, with a sullen countenance disfigured 
by the marks of the small pox, with eyes small, but 
now twinkling with star-like brightness, his hair thick 
and uncombed, flowing down over his shoulders, — 
rose and addressed the assembly. It was Mirabeau.* 

* " ITonore Gabriel Riquetti, Count of Mirabeau, born In 
1749, was tlie grandest and most striking figure of tlie first 
part of tlie Revolution. This extraordinary man was a noble 
by birth, but, like many other French nobles, had joined the 
party of innovation. This attitude was in part caused by the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 227 

^^ Gentlemen," said he, " I grant that it may be for 
the present peace and quiet of the country, that we 
should give heed to the instructions we have just 
received. But the presence of despotism here is 
fraught with infinite danger ! To devise good for 
the nation we must deliberate, and to deliberate we 
must be free. What means this insulting dictation ? 
— this threatening display of arms? — this flagrant 
violation of the national temple ? Who is it that 
dictates to you the way in which you shall be 
happy? He who acts by your commission. Who h 
it that gives you imperious laws ? He who acts by 
your commission, — the minister, who by your ap- 
pointment is vested with the execution of the laws — 
of laws which we only have a right to make. Ours 
is an inviolable political priesthood. To us twenty- 
five millions of people are looking to guard from 
further desecration the sacred ark of liberty, to re- 
lease them from the burdensome yoke which has so 
long crushed them, and to give them back their own 
inalienable right to peace, liberty and happiness. 
Gentlemen, the freedom of your deliberations is at- 
tempted to be destroyed. The iron chain of despotic 
prescription is laid upon you. A military force sur- 

antecedents of a career of vice and recklessness, marked, 
however, by evidences of real genius, in which he had 
quarrelled with his family, and been persecuted at Court. 
His powers as an orator were commanding ; and though he 
stooped to become a demagogue, he had true political saga- 
city and insight, and many of the highest qualities of a 
statesman. Many of the most serious charges of contem- 
poraries against him seem to be without foundation." — AN- 
DREW D. White. [Footnote to the French Revolution.] 



228 LIFE OF GENERAL 

rounds your Assembly. Where are the enemies of 
France ? Is Cataline at our gates ? Gentlemen ! I 
demand that, clothing yourselves in your dignity and 
your legislative authority, you remain firm in the 
sacredness of your oath, which does not permit us to 
separate till we have framed a constitution ; — till we 
have given a magna cliarta. to France." Then turn- 
ing to the grand master of ceremonies, who at this 
time interposed and reminded the assembly of the 
peremptory orders of the King — " Go," he exclaimed, 
'' and tell your master that we are here by the order 
of the people, and that we shall depart only at the 
point of the bayonet." 

The Assembly proceeded to business, and without 
a dissenting voice re-affirmed its rule securing in- 
violability to the members, declaring that any one 
who should offer violence to them, should be con- 
sidered a traitor and guilty of a capital crime. Day 
after day the sessions continued, and received con- 
stantly indications that their course was entirely the 
echo of the public will. Addresses were received ap- 
proving in the highest terms the course they had 
taken, and assuring them of the cooperation of the 
people. 

Lafayette and the few that were with him, who 
had pressed the expediency and the right of uniting 
without delay with the commons, finding argument a 
failure, resolved upon example. With the forty- 
seven who had stood by his side in his struggles, ho 
left the nobility and took his seat in the " l!^ational 
Assembly," whither a majority of the clergy had al- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 229 

ready preceded him. The remaining part of the dep- 
uties continued their separate sittings for a few days 
longer ; but their obstinacy at length gave way before 
the popular excitement. On the 27th of June the 
three orders met together and commenced their delib- 
erations. 

Lafayette was now watched narrowly by all classes. 
He often spoke in the Assembly, and as ever he had 
done, for freedom. He was not gifted with the fiery 
eloquence of Mirabeau, which swept every thing be- 
fore it like a whirlwind ; his style, though gentle, was 
witty and keen, passing over the audience like the 
pleasant breeze, yet leaving a deep and permanent 
impression upon the mind. 

On the 11th of July he brought forward for adop- 
tion his famous Declaration of Rights ; an instru- 
ment which would confer imperishable fame, though 
he had no other claim to immortality. It reads as 
follows : — 

" Nature has made all men free and equal ; the 
distinctions which are necessary for social order are 
founded alone on the public good. 

" Man is born with inalienable and imprescriptable 
rights, such as the unshackled liberty of opinion, the 
care of his honor and life, the right of property, the 
complete control over his person, his industry and all 
his faculties; the free expression of his opinion in 
every possible manner; the worship of the Almighty, 
and resistance against oppression. 

" The exercise of natural rights has no other limits 



230 LIFE OF GENERAL 

than those which are necessary to secure their enjoy- 
ments to every member of society. 

" !N^o man can be made subject to laws which he 
has not sanctioned, either himself, or through his rep- 
resentatives, and which have not been properly pro- 
mulgated and legally executed. 

" The principle of all sovereignty rests in the peo- 
ple. !No body nor individual can possess any author- 
ity which does not expressly emanate from the nation. 

" The sole end of all government is the public 
good. That good demands that the legislative, ex- 
ecutive and judicial powers should be distinct and 
defined, and that their organization should secure the 
free representation of the citizens, the responsibility 
of their deputies, and the impartiality of the judges. 

" The laws ought to be clear, precise and uniform, 
in their operation toward every class of citizens. 

" Subsidies ought to be liberally granted, and the 
taxes proportionally distributed. 

" And, as the introduction of abuses, and the 
rights of succeeding generations will require the re- 
visions of all human institutions, the nation ought 
to possess the power, in certain cases, to summon an 
extraordinary assembly of deputies, whose sole object 
shall be to examine and correct, if it be necessary, the 
faults of the constitution ? " 

A long debate ensued. It was boldly supported by 
republicans, and as decidedly condemned by the ad- 
herents of despotism. But an argument which the 
former had not sought and which the latter could not 
avoid, soon turned the balance for humanity. A 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 231 

lawless mob, feared alike by the friends and foes of 
the Declaration, raised the cry of anarchy and rebel- 
lion. It was only the first gust of the approaching 
gale, but it shook Paris to its center. The volcanic 
elements which had long been smothered by soothing- 
assurances and delusive hopes, broke forth and raged 
with unrestrained fury. The resistless tide of insur- 
gents, spreading terror, raged through the city, and 
swept down before it, and scattered in ruins, the 
BoMile,^ which had been for centuries the bulwark 
of tyranny, the exponent of despotic cruelty. The 
people had begun to understand their rights; and 
both King and legislature felt that they could not 
safely refuse to concede them. A reconciliation be- 
tween the opposing interests was effected ; the King 
went in person and unattended to the Assembly, and 
threw himself confidingly upon the attachment of his 
people — the mob were made to believe that the King 
wished no infringement upon their rights, and hushed 
the tumult. The Declaration was adopted and out- 
ward peace reigned again in the capital. 

During the tumult so briefly sketched, Lafayette 
drew the attention and hopes of the nation to himself 

*The bastile, originally built as a fortress or citadel by 
Charles V. about tlie j'ear 1370, became one of the most cele- 
brated prisons in history. As ultimately completed, it had 
eight large rovmd towers whose walls were twelve or more 
feet thick. Into this were tlirust men of eminence who were 
not even accused of crime, but were victims of court intrigue, 
royal jealousy, or ecclesiastical persecution. Of course the 
victim had no trial, not even an unjust one. The only formula 
for condemning one to this infamous prison was the lettre de 
cachet, or royal warrant. Tiie destruction of this structure 
was widely hailed by friends of liberty as the knell of des- 
potism. 



232 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Every one, his enemies even, was compelled to be- 
lieve in his unsullied honesty and great capacity. 
The key of the demolished Bastile was given to him, 
as the most worthy to receive this memorial of the 
hideous Golgotha of oppression. The E'ational 
Guards, a new order of troops composed of citizens in- 
stead of mercenary soldiers, for the purpose of pro- 
tecting the people, was formed, and the command was 
entrusted to Lafayette by the municipality of Paris. 
The appellation of tpie people^s friend was given to 
him all over the kingdom, and while the masses 
exalted him to the rank of a demi-god, the aristocracy 
admired his devotion to the mandate of duty. Says 
Toulongeon, " Lafayette, whose name and reputation 
acquired in America, were associated with liberty 
itself, was at the head of the Parisian ISTational 
Guard, He enjoyed at once that entire confidence 
and public esteem which are due to great qualities. 
The faculty of raising the spirits, or rather of infus- 
ing fresh courage into the heart, was natural to him. 
His external appearance was youthful and bold, 
which is always pleasing to the multitude. His man- 
ners were simple, popular and engaging. He pos- 
sessed every thing which is wanting to commence and 
terminate a revolution — the brilliant qualities of mil- 
itary activity, and the calm confidence of courage in 
times of public commotion. Lafayette was equal to 
every thing, if every thing had been done fairly and 
openly; but he was unacquainted with the dark and 
narrow road of intrigue." 

At the head of the Guard, he exerted himself to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 233 

prevent farther outbreak of violence, but could not 
always restrain the fury of the populace. The fact 
.that they did sometimes refuse to obey his counsels, 
has given occasion for the basest of slanders. It has 
been asserted by some English writers, that he was 
the direct instigator of some of the very atrocities he 
desired to prevent. It is especially affirmed that he 
was guilty of the murder of the minister Foulon. 
Foulon was a member of the court and was especially 
obnoxious to the people on account of his many odious 
acts in supporting monarchy. He was seized by the 
crowd, who, with a mock show of justice, hurried him 
before the Assembly, and then clamored loudly for re- 
venge. No trial could proceed amid the uproar, and 
when the unfortunate Foulon was about to be sac- 
rificed on the spot, loud acclamations announced the 
arrival of Lafayette. Placing himself by the side of 
the President, he waved his hand with an air of maj- 
esty over the multitude, and when they were hushed 
to silence, he made an appeal in behalf of the min- 
ister, which should forever efface from history the 
calumny thrown upon him in connection with this 
transaction. " I am known to you all," said he, 
" you have appointed me your commander ; a station 
which, while it confers honor, imposes upon me the 
duty of speaking to you with that liberty and candor 
which form the basis of my character. You wish, 
without a trial, to put to death the man who is be- 
fore you: such an act of injustice would dishonor 
you; — it would disgrace me, and were I weak enough 
to permit it, it would blast all the efforts which I have 



234 LIFE OF GENERAL 

made in favor of liberty, I will not permit it. I 
am far from pretending to save him if he be guilty ; 
I only desire that the orders of the Assembly should 
be carried into execution, and that this man be con- 
ducted to prison, to be judged by a legal tribunal. I 
wish the law to be respected; — law, without which 
there can be no liberty ; — law, without whose aid T 
would never have contributed to the revolution of the 
new world, and without which I will not contribute 
to the revolution which is preparing here. What I 
advance in favor of the forms of law, ought not to 
be interpreted in favor M. Foulon. I am free from 
suspicion as it regards him; — and perhaps the man- 
ner in which, on several occasions, I have expressed 
myself with relation to his conduct, would alone de- 
prive me of the right of judging. But the greater the 
presumption of his guilt, the more important is it 
that the usual formalities should be observed in his 
case, so as to render his punishment more striking, 
and, by legal examinations, to discover his accom- 
plices. I, therefore, command that he be conducted 
to the prison of L'Abbaye St. Germain." 

These remarks were hailed with applause by those 
within hearing; who consented that the minister 
should be conducted to prison. This sentiment, how- 
ever, did not extend to those without, and in the 
extremity of the hall, who, as soon as Lafayette had 
concluded, sent up their furious call for vengeance 
upon Foulon. Three times the Marquis harangued 
them ; but, just as the unfortunate object of the out- 
cry began to hope, a shout, more terrible than before, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 235 

blanched his cheek with the foreshadowing of his 
doom. From the square of the Hotel de Ville, and 
from the extreme part of the chamber, a frightful yell 
arose, announcing that the throngs from the Palais- 
Royal, and the faubourg St. Antoine, were coming to 
carry off the prisoner. A roar in the distance, which 
sounded like the surgings of the angry sea, became 
more distinct, till it was heard in frantic tones 
through the passages of the Hotel de Ville, demand- 
ing the prisoner for execution. A fresh mob broke 
in upon that which already filled the hall, and guided 
by that electric impulse which seems to pervade such 
a body of men, the whole mass rushed impetuously 
forward, and, without regarding the loud interces- 
sions of Lafayette, snatched Foulon from his chair 
and bore him triumphantly from the array. The 
miserable victim, dispite his piteous supplication, 
could receive no mercy from the hands of those to 
whom he had shown none, and with shouts of infernal 
exultation, they hung him to a lamp iron in front 
of the Hotel de Ville. 

This deed has been charged upon Lafayette. Men 
have stood up in the British Parliament and boldly 
endeavored to attach the crime to his name. If any- 
thing more than his attempts to prevent the murder, 
is necessary to show his abhorrence of it, we have it 
abundantly in the incidents which ensued. Filled 
with horror, and exasperated at the lawlessness of the 
populace, he determined to resign his ofHce as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the National Guards. This he 
did in the following letter to the Mayor of PariSj 



^36 LIFE OF GENERAL 

which, as it fully discloses his feelings at the time, we 
here insert. It is the best comment we can present 
npon the slanderous charge made against him. 

" SiE : — Summoned by the confidence of its citi- 
zens to the military command of the capital, I have 
uniformly declared, that in the actual state of affairs, 
it was necessary, to be useful, that confidence should 
be full and universal. I have steadily declared to 
the people, that, although to my last breath devoted to 
their interest, yet I was incapable of purchasing their 
favor by unjustly yielding to their wishes. You are 
aware, sir, that one of the individuals '" who perished 
yesterday was placed under a guard, and that the 
other was under the escort of our troops, both being 
sentenced by the civil power to undergo a regular 
trial. Such were the proper means to satisfy justice, 
to discover their accomplices, and to fulfill the solemn 
engagements of every citizen toward the National As- 
sembly and the King. 

'' The people would not hearken to my advice; — 
and the moment when the confidence which they 
promised, and reposed in me, is lost, it becomes my 
duty, as I have before stated, to abandon a post in 
which I can be no longer useful. I am, Avith respect, 

&c., " Lafayette." 

The estimation in which Lafayette was regarded 
at this time, is fully disclosed by the effect which his 

* Tlie two individuals alluded to here, were Foulou and his 
son-in-law, Berthier. It is a matter worthy of note, tliat dur- 
ing his command these were the only fatal excesses which a 
mob of lawless violence displayed. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 237 

letter produced. M. Bailly, the mayor of the city, 
laid it before the municipality, who, with one voice 
immediately, and earnestly, solicited its recall. The 
]^ational Assembly received it with universal conster- 
nation. The National Guards flocked avound him as 
if to compel him again to take the command. The 
news spread rapidly over the city, and was received 
every where with lamentation. The mayor and coun- 
cil waited upon him in a body, at midnight, and so- 
licited him, by every possible motive, to retract his 
resignation. The result was ineffectual, and the next 
day he appeared before them, and thus, in public, de- 
clared his sentiments : 

" Gentlemen : — I come to acknowledge the last 
testimonies of your kindness, with all the warmth of 
a heart whose first desire, after that of serving the 
people, is to be loved by them, and to express my 
astonishment at the importance they deign to attach 
to an individual, in a free country, where nothing 
should be of real importance except law. If my con- 
duct on this occasion, could be regulated by my sen- 
timents of gratitude and affection, I should only 
reply to the regrets with which you and the l^ational 
Guards had honored me, by yielding obedience to 
your entreaties ; — but, as I was guided by no feeling 
of private interest when I formed that resolution, so 
also, in the midst of the various causes for agitation 
that surround us, I cannot allow myself to be gov- 
erned by my private affections. * * * 
■ " Gentlemen, when I received such touching proofs 



238 LtFE OF GENERAL 

of affection, too much was done for me and too little 
for the laiv^ I am convinced how well my comrades 
love me, but I am still ignorant to what degree they 
cherish the principles on which liberty is founded. 
Deign to make known to the iN'ational Guards this 
sincere avowal of my sentiments. To command 
them, it is necessary that I should feel certain that 
they unanimously believe that the fate of the con- 
stitution is suspended upon the execution of law, the 
only sovereign of a free people; — that individual 
liberty, the security of each man's home, religious 
liberty, and respect for legitimate authority, are du- 
ties as sacred to them as to myself. We require not 
only courage and vigilance, but unanimity in these 
principles; and I thought, and still think, that the 
constitution will be better served by my resignation, 
on the grounds I have given, than by my acquiescence 
in the request with which you have deigned to honor 

me." 

The ISTational Guards were assembled awaiting his 
decision, and immediately upon receiving it, they 
passed the following resolution : — '^ The IsTational As- 
sembly has decreed that public force should be obe- 
dient, and a portion of the Parisian army has shown 
itself essentially disobedient. General Lafayette has 
only ceased to command that army because they have 
ceased to obey law. He requires a complete submis- 
sion to the law, not a servile attachment to his per- 
son. Let the battalions assemble. Let each citizen- 
soldier swear on his word and honor to obey the law.. 



Marquis de Lafayette. 239 

Let those who refuse be excluded from the National 
Guards. Let the wish of the army, thus regenerated, 
be carried to General Lafayette, and he will conceive 
it his duty to resume the command." 

Lafayette hesitated, but finally yielded to the wish 
so universally expressed. Thanks were offered him 
by public bodies and private citizens. During the 
time he occupied this post, he manifested the disin- 
terestedness apparent whenever a sacrifice was 
needed. He forgot himself, in his care for the public 
good. When urged by the municipality of Paris to 
accept some remuneration for his services, he refused 
with a generosity unparalleled. " My private for- 
tune," said he to them, " secures me from want. It 
has outlasted two revolutions; and should it survive 
a third, through the complaisance of the people, it 
shall belong to them alone." In this Revolution, as 
in the American, Lafayette won the hearts of all ob- 
servers. " There is one man in the state," said Mira- 
beau, '• who, from his position, is exposed to the haz- 
ard of all events ; — to whom successes can offer no 
compensation for reverses ; and who is, in some man- 
ner, answerable for the repose, we may even say the 
safety, of the public, — and that man is Lafayette." 

The French Revolution had begun its fearful 
course, and no arm of man could arrest it, or long re- 
tard its consummation. Day by day witnessed its 
slow but sure advance; the mighty wheel which a 
baby-hand might have set in motion, soon acquired a 
momentum which the strength of a giant could not 
meet. A force sublimer, it would seem, than any at 
that time understood, was working unseen, preparing 



240 LIFE OF GENERAL 

for an awful manifestation. Unconscious of it all, 
the King, believing that every thing v^as settled and 
himself secure, fell back upon his advisers, and for- 
got that he had a people to care for, who were suf- 
fering from neglect and starvation. Famine was 
staring thousands in the face, but ignorant or care- 
less of it, he increased his own luxuries and extrava- 
gance. In the midst of the hunger and wretchedness 
which reigned around him, he spread his banquet 
board and gave royal entertainments, as though to 
mock the misery which he would not heal. Royal 
arrogance looked proudly down upon its minions and 
fancied all was peace, because secluded from the 
scenes of wo. But while the saloons of Versailles 
rung with revelry, a sword suspended by a hair, glit- 
tered over the head of the King; yet he saw it not. 
" Quern Deus vuU 'perdere prius dementat.^' * 

On the first and third of October magnificent ban- 
quets were held at court, and were soon followed by 
an unexpected response, which told Louis and his 
cabinet the suicidal game they had played. On the 
morning of the fifth of October, a young woman 
rushed into a guard-house, seized a drum and then 
ran with it along the street, beating it hurriedly, and 

*"WIiom God (i.e., Jupiter) lias a mind to ruin, he £r?t 
deprives of his senses." This sentiment, aptly describing 
persons whose pride or obstinacy leads them into disasters, 
is expressed in various forms. The origin of it seems to be 
Atlienagoras" quotation of Euripides : — '" 

"At dsemon homini quum struit aliquid malum, 
Pervertit illi primitus mentam suam." 

" But the daemon, when he devises any mischief against a 
pan, first perverts liis mind." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 241 

crying, "Bread! Bread! ^^ It was the signal for a 
general outbreak. Her shriek woke up a thousand 
desolate hearts. Every faubourg through which she 
sped poured forth its crowds, chiefly of women, and 
soon a mighty host were flocking after her and join- 
ing in her despairing cry for " tread! bread! " From 
the markets and public halls ; from dismal and secret 
lurking places, where misery and vice were wont to 
shrink away from the sunlight ; from hearth-stones' 
where hopeless penury had urged to crime, they 
rushed forth and seizing such weapons as fell in their 
way hurried on ; while over them all went up to 
the unanswering heavens that mad chorus, '' bread! 
bread! ^^ They came to the Hotel de Ville where 
the representatives of the commune were accustomed 
to assemble. Their fury knew no bounds when they 
found that the hour for the morning meeting had not 
yet arrived. They rushed upon a battalion of the 
jSTational Guards which was drawn up before the hall, 
and drove it back by a volley of stones. They broke 
open the door leading to the great bell and sounded 
the tocsin, whose notes were a peal of alarm to every 
part of the city. All Paris was instantly in motion. 
The earthquake which had slumbered long, was on 
the march. As though by a magic impulse, Paris 
was in a state of complete insurrection. Suddenly 
the tide set towards Versailles and the multitude like 
the ocean, lashed into billows, rolled in dark waves 
towards the royal palace. 

Lafayette with the first news of the riot placed 
himself at the head of the Guard before the Hotel de 
i6 



242 Lif E OF GENERAL 

Ville, but tlie immense assemblage which still con- 
tinued to blockade him there, prevented his learning 
for some time the tumultuous departure for Ver- 
sailles. " As soon as the tidings reached me," to use 
his own language, " I instantly perceived that what- 
ever might be the consequence of this movement the 
public safety required that I should take part in it, 
and after having received from the Hotel de Ville an 
order and two commissaries, I hastily provided for the 
security of Paris and took the road to Versailles at the 
head of several battalions." Fearing that the Guard 
themselves might be induced to join in the revolt he 
halted on the way and made each one renew his oath 
of obedience to the law, and fidelity to the King. He 
arrived at Versailles about midnight, and sent word 
to the President of the Assembly that the army had 
promised to do its duty and that nothing should be 
done contrary to law. He then repaired to the 
palace, and with every demonstration of respect, as- 
sured Louis of his own attachment and that of his 
army. The King appeared satisfied with the precau- 
tions which had been taken and desired him to place 
a guard on the outposts of the palace. The inner 
guard was refused him by the King, but, without a 
murmur, the Marquis left the royal presence and 
made every possible arrangement for safety. He 
sent out numerous patrols in different directions, saw 
that sufficient protection was thrown around the pal- 
ace, and then made additional arrangements for the 
quiet of Paris. ISTot till five o'clock in the morning, 
after more than twenty hours unremitting exertion, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 243 

did he allow his almost exhausted nature to take the 
least repose. 

In the immediate vicinity of the royal residence all 
was tranquil, but farther away the aspect of the pop- 
ulace presaged another tempest. " Large groups of 
savage men and intoxicated women were seated 
around the watch-fires in all the streets of Versailles, 
and relieved the tedium of a rainy night by singing 
revolutionary songs. In one of these circles their 
exasperation was such, that, seated on the corpse of 
one of the body guard, they devoured the flesh of his 
horse, half-roasted in the flames, while a ringing of 
frantic cannibals danced round the group. At six 
o'clock a furious mob rushed towards the palace, and 
finding a gate open,* speedily filled the staircases and 
vestibules of the royal apartmnets. The assassins 
rushed into the Queen's room a few minutes after 
she had left it, and, enraged at finding their victim 
escaped, pierced her bed with their bayonets. They 
then dragged the bodies of two of the body guard 
who had been massacred, below the windows of the 
King, beheaded them, and carried the bloody heads 
in triumph upon the points of their pikes through 
the streets of Versailles." 

Lafayette had not yet fallen asleep, and springing 
up at the sound of the tumult, he leaped upon a horse 
and regardless of danger, galloped fearlessly into thti 

* This gate, so carelessly left open, liad been entrusterl to 
the life-guanas in preference to giving the cliavge of it to 
Lafayette. All the arrnngements of the Marquis were perfect, 
and not a post which he had been entrusted with was found 
unguarded. 



244 LIFE OF GENERAL 

midst of the fraj. The insurgents had taken several 
of the life guards from the palace, and with shouts of 
savage vengeance were on the point of slaughtering 
them, when Lafayette appeared among them and 
sternly bade them cease. Having succeeded in libera- 
ting the captives, he sent them back with the troops 
which had escorted him, while, with a courage which 
always rose with peril, he remained alone, to stay the 
living tide. Foiled in their object, with their prey 
wrested from their grasp, the wrath of the multitude 
turned upon Lafayette. One of them aimed a mus- 
ket at his head, but observing the act, though without 
changing his position, he coolly commanded the spec- 
tators to bring the man to him. The ferocity of the 
tiger was in a moment changed. Lafayette as the 
people's friend was there, and seizing the culprit who 
had dared to lift his arm against his benefactor, they 
dashed out his brains upon the pavement, while the 
welkin rung with " Vive Lafayette.^' Having 
calmed the excited throngs, the Marquis hastened to 
the palace and was hailed by the acclamations of the 
.life guard, "Lafayette for ever!'' His grenadiers 
flocked around him and received his mandate to pro- 
tect the monarch with the warmest demonstrations of 
loyalty. The court saw and acknowledged their in- 
debtedness to him for life, and gave particular testi- 
monies of their gratitude. Madame Adelaide, the 
King's aunt, ran up to him and clasped him in her 
arms, saying, " General, you have saved us. I owe 
you more than my life, I owe you that of the King, 
my poor nephew." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 246 

Danger was not yet over, for peace had been only 
temporarily restored. The people began to collect 
again. They crowded into the marble hall, and ex- 
pressed their designs with frightful bowlings. " To 
Paris ! to Paris, with the King ! " was the fierce call 
which came from men and women without, and fell 
with startling emphasis upon the ear of beleaguered 
royalty. A council was held, and Louis determined 
to present himself before his enraged subjects. With 
mild dignity he came out upon the balcony, respect- 
fully attended by Lafayette, and calmly stood in the 
presence of those who, a moment before, burned with 
hostility towards him. This was regarded as a 
pledge from Louis that he would go to Paris, and in- 
quire into the distresses of his people, and imited with 
his kindly dignity, gave another interlude to the trag- 
ical scenes. Fickle as the wind, they now shouted, 
" Long live the King ! " as earnestly as they had 
hurled their anathemas upon his head. 

But while these acclamations were rising, threaten- 
ing voices were heard against the Queen. Marie 
Antoinette * had never been a favorite with the 
French, for many, with too much justice, believed 
that she was mainly instrumental in leading Louis 
to neglect the interests of his people. As Lafayette 

*Marie Antoinette (\7^)5-^7^Z) was the davij^hter of Maria 
Theresa of Austria and the Emperor Francis I. of Germany. 
She was possessed of great beauty and extraordinary jiersonal 
charms. Iler high si>irit. animating tl)e ccmrage of lier weak 
and vacillating husband, led him into fresh troubles oftener 
th;)n otherwise ; but it gave her a noble and heroic dignity 
during the period of lier captivity. She was executed by the 
guillotine, October 13, 1793. 



246 LIFE OF GENERAL 

caught the imprecations, he stepped back into her 
saloon and respectfully inquired if it was her in- 
tention to accompany the King to Paris. " Yes/' 
she replied, " although I know the danger." " Ma- 
dame," said he, '" are you resolved ? " — " I am." — 
" Condescend, then, to appear in the balcony, and 
permit me to accompany you," said Lafayette. 
"What," said the Queen, — " without the King ? — • 
Have you observed the threats ? " " Yes, madame," 
was the reply, " but venture to confide in me." With 
a courage well worthy of a daughter of the Csesars, 
she suffered herself to be conducted, by Lafayette, to 
the balcony. She was dressed in white, her head 
was bare and adorned with beautiful fair locks, and 
with firmness, but great grace and dignity, she glided 
forward and stood motionless before the crowd. It 
was a delicate and dangerous step; — but Lafayette 
well knew that the danger was less than it would be, 
were the Queen to depart for Paris without being rec- 
onciled to the people. Threats were still made, and 
amid the tumult, it was necessary to speak to the eyes 
rather than to the ears of the multitude. Stepping 
forward gallantly, he stooped and raised the hand of 
the Queen to his lips in respectful homage. The 
act was a simple one, but it showed how well Lafay- 
ette knew to move the popular current. Frenchman 
were transported at the sight, and the silence which it 
bad at first caused, was soon broken by — " Long live 
the Queen! " " Long live Lafayette! " 

The King looked on as if in a dream. His palace 
had been kept from ruin, and his life, with that of 







Louis XVI. and his family watching the mob from the windows of the palace 
of VersaiUes.-Page 847. Ufe of Lafayette. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 247 

Ills family, li.-ul hcfn jircscrvod Kdloly l.Iirouf^li tlio ef- 
forts of ji man vvlioin Ik; oiicc liad sfrioiis thoughts of 
coiisigiiiii*:^ If) th(; liastilc IIo vva.s foiiiiiollcd to ask 
at his liaiids Hiill aiiolhcr favor. Jlis hody guards 
had lircd ii|)uii Ihc crowd, and Hu; cvy for vongoanco 
upon these was (.l(!(!))('niiig. I^oiiis jxjrcfivod this, and 
hcli(.'viiig that his own safety depended upon that of 
Ills guards, besought Lafayette to interfere in their 
helialf. I>(!ekoning one of them to his side, the Mar- 
<piis led him forward hcfon; the people, and in the 
midst of curses, he unhuekled liis own shoulder belt, 
l)laccd it armiiid the guard, and then elasped him af- 
fcclionatcly in his arms. The effect was as before. 
T\n\ popuhuM! hesitated a moment, and then the air 
resounded wilh llieir plaudits as Ihey thus ratified 
this new reconciliation. 

The work was not y^'t <Ioiie. It was not enough to 
hush t(» a monieiitary (piietude th(! human surges 
swee|)iug amund th<^ j)alaee of Versailles. All that 
mortal man could <lo, was done by Lafayette. The 
whole direction of every thing was surrendered into 
his hands, and the King, with the reliance which a 
weaker nature places, in times of adversity, upon the 
strong, submitted, like a child, to his guidance. 
Louis had agreed to depart for Paris, and with this 
assurance Lafayette endeavored to appease the peo- 
ple, lie used commands, entreaties, and every re- 
sour(!e which his rare ingenuity could suggest, to in- 
duce them to disperse; and though he succeeded with 
many, yet a ferocious rabble remained, declaring it 
to be their purpose to act as an escort to the royal 



248 LIFE OF GENERAL 

cavalcade on its way to the capital. Having used 
his utmost endeavor to pacify them, and having taken, 
every precaution to ensure a quiet reception in Paris, 
he arranged the King's prompt departure, aware that 
every minute's delay was fraught with innumerable 
dangers. Surrounded by the rabble, and compelled 
to listen to their defiant and threatening yells, the 
royal family set out from Versailles, closely escorted 
by Lafayette and his guards. The whole scene is 
thus described by Lafayette, an eye witness of it: — 
'' At twelve o'clock, the frightful procession set off. 
I hope such a scene will never be witnessed again ! I 
have often asked myself, how the metropolis of a na- 
tion so celebrated for urbanity and elegance of man- 
ners, — how the brilliant city of Paris could contain 
the savage hordes I that day beheld, — hordes that so 
long reigned over it ! In walking through the streets 
of Paris, it seems to me, the features even of the 
lowest and most miserable class of people, do not 
present to the eye any thing like ferociousness or the 
meanest passions in all their hideous energy. Can 
those passions alter the features so as to deprive them 
of all likeness to humanity ? Or does the terror in- 
spired by the sight of a guilty wretch, give him the 
semblance of a wild beast ! These madmen, dancing 
in the mire, and covered with mud, surrounded the 
King's coach. The groups that marched foremost, 
carried on long pikes the bloody heads of the life 
guardsmen, butchered in the morning.* Surely 

* It has been said that Lafayette allowed these horrible 
trophies to be paraded near the coach of the King. This is 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 249 

Satan himself first invented the putting of a human 
head at the end of a lance ! The disfigured and pale 
features, the gory locks, the half-open mouth, the 
closed eyes, — images of death, added to the gestures 
and salutations which the executioners made them 
perform, in horrid mockery of life, presented the 
most frightful spectacle that rage could have im- 
agined. A troop of women, ugly as crime itself, 
swarming like insects, and wearing grenadiers' hairy 
caps, went continually to and fro, howling barbarous 
songs, embracing and insulting the life guards. This 
scene lasted for eight hours before the royal family 
arrived at the Place de Greve. They alighted at the, 
Hotel de Ville, their first resting place during pro- 
tracted misery, that terminated some years after- 
wards in a horrible death. Thus ended the memora- 
ble Gth of October." 

The part which the Marquis bore in these transac- 
tions, has been variously represented, and his British 
enemies have found in them material for fresh cal- 
umnies. We have endeavored to give a true account 
of the matter, leaving the reader to his own conclu- 
sions. It is too late to require much time to vindi- 
cate Lafayette from those aspersions. His charac- 
ter shines with increased luster each succeeding age, 
and will emerge from eclipse, as the sun gradually 
scatters the mists of morning and mounts upward to 
the zenith. The fact that, almost without bloodshed, 
he was enabled to control a mob which might other- 
untrue. They could not approach the King's coach, and, what 
is more, Lafayette ordered them at once to be disarmed as 
soon as Ixe learned what they were bearing. 



250 LIFE OF GENERAL 

wise have resulted in the most terrific anarchy, is suf- 
ficient to vindicate his activity in the melancholy 
events described. 

The outbreak was quelled. The King and his 
household took up their residence in the Tuilleries, 
and the ISTational Assembly held its sittings in Paris. 
Versailles, the seat of intrigue and luxury, was aban- 
doned, and something was done for the relief of the 
oppressed. The voice of the masses had been heard, 
and was producing its slow, but legitimate effect. 
Louis blindly endeavored to hush it, but in vain. La- 
fayette was zealous for freedom, though he did not 
swerve from his allegiance to his sovereign. He saw 
that France was not yet ready for a Republic, and 
that the nearest approximation which she could make, 
was by a constitutional monarchy, which would bind 
the king and people together in a united federation. 
Towards this all his efforts were directed, and, as the 
year 1790 opened, he caught glimpses of the realiza- 
tion of this sublime idea. The King distrusted him, 
and his associate members were, many of them, 
jealous of his growing popularity; but, true to him- 
self, he did not pause in his mission. He saw the 
constitution growing under the hands of the Assem- 
bly, while they were shaking from the state the vipers 
of corruption which had fastened upon its vitality. 
The old rubbish of the feudal system, which, for 
ages, had penetrated with decay the national heart, 
was cleared away, and the King was no longer in- 
vested with supreme authority over the population of 
his realm. The executive, the legislative, and the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 261 

judicial departments were successively scrutinized, 
and established after a new and more complete model. 
A free constitution, whose glorious principles sent 
fear to every despot in Europe, was, at length, estab- 
lished, notwithstanding the endeavor to crush the 
germ of liberty in its bud. Louis, vacillating as 
usual, would sometimes give assent to every proposi- 
tion, and then blindly and stubbornly retract. Still 
progress was made, and before the anniversary of 
the rising of the people and the taking of the Bastile 
had recurred, the foundation of a republican repre- 
sentation had been laid. 

The 14th of July was approaching, and it was 
determined to celebrate it in a manner worthy the 
anniversary of a nation's deliverance, of a nation's 
sovereignty. The municipality of Paris proposed 
that a confederation of the whole realm should take 
place in the capital, when the deputies sent by the 
eighty-three departments, the popular representation, 
the Parisian guard, and the monarch, should take 
the oath of allegiance to the constitution. The plati 
was hailed with enthusiasm over France, and im- 
mense preparations were immediately commenced for 
making the ceremony worthy of its great object. 

The place selected for the festival was the Champ 
de Mars, a spacious area extending from the Military 
School to the left bank of the Seine. In the midst 
of the plain an altar was erected, where the oath was 
to be administered, and around it an immense am- 
phitheater was thrown up, where four hundred thou- 
sand spectators could sit and witness the grand rati- 



252 LIFE OF GENERAL 

fieation. ISTear the altar, in the center o£ the plain, 
and under an elegant pavilion, was erected a throne 
for the King, which, together with the seats for the 
Assembly by which it was flanked, was sprinkled all 
over with golden fleurs de lis. Balconies were 
erected for the Queen and court, and triumphal 
arches of great magnificence, spanned every entrance 
to the field. Twelve thousand laborers were con- 
stantly employed upon this work, and still there was 
apprehension of failure to complete it by the time ap- 
pointed for the imposing pageant. The inhabitants 
then proposed to assist ; enthusiasm soon animated the 
entire population, impelled by the one desire of pre- 
paring for the day irrevocably fixed for the cere- 
mony. Men and women, high born and low, flocked 
together, and with perfect order and harmony, plied 
their busy hands. Churchmen, soldiers, elegant fe- 
males, the nun from her convent, the monk from his 
cloister, — persons of all classes, took up the spade 
and pickaxe, and mingled amicably together. Says 
a'^writer of the time : — " The mind felt sinking under 
the weight of a delicious intoxication, at the sight of a 
whole people who had descended again to the sweet 
sentiments of a primitive fraternity." 

Meanwhile, the federalists were beginning to as- 
semble from all quarters of the kingdom, and were 
received, with open arms, by their brethren in Paris. 
Four days before the celebration, the different depu- 
tations met in the Hotel de Ville, to choose a presi- 
dent for the federation. Lafayette was the only man 
in the nation who could be selected for this ofiice. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 253 

and he was hailed President by acclamation. He 
wished to decline, but the Assembly would not ex- 
cuse him. His faithful devotion to the people had 
drawn the nation gratefully towards him, and the 
honor conferred upon him was only a faint expression 
of the popular regard. Then from the rival power, 
came an equal honor. By a special act of the Assem- 
bly the King had been appointed, for the day of the 
ceremony only, supreme commander of the entire 
National Guard. This office he delegated to Lafay- 
ette who, by it, became high constable of all the armed 
men in the kingdom, and, in fact, controlled the des- 
tinies of France. 

On the 13th of July, the confederates, with the 
Marquis at their head, waited upon the National As- 
sembly and the monarch, to pay them their homage. 
The occasion was one full of interest, and gilded the 
dawn of liberty with new glories. In glowing terms, 
Lafayette addressed the members, and assured them 
of the gratitude of the nation for all they had done 
in her behalf. " You well knew," said he, " the ne- 
cessities of France, and the will of Frenchmen, when 
you destroyed the gothic fabric of our government 
and laws, and respected only their monarchical prin- 
ciple ; — Europe then discovered that a good king 
could be the protector of a free, as he had been the 
ground of comfort to an oppressed people. The 
rights of man are declared, — the sovereignty of the 
people acknowledged, — their power is representative, 
— and the bases of public order are established. 
Hasten, then, to give energy to the power of the 



254 LIFE OF GENERAL 

state. The people owe to you the glory of a new 
constitution ; but they require and expect that peace 
and tranquillity which cannot exist without a firm 
and effectual organization of government. We, gen- 
tlemen, devoted to the Ee volution, and united in the 
name of liberty — the guarantees alike of individual 
and common rights and safety — ^we, called by the 
most imperative duty from all parts of the kingdom, 
founding our confidence on your wisdom, and our 
hopes on your services, — we will bear without hesi- 
tation, to the altar of the country, the oath which you 
may dictate to its soldiers. — Yes, gentlemen, our 
arms shall be stretched forth together, and, at the 
same instant, our brothers from all parts of France 
shall utter the oath which will unite them together. 
May the solemnity of that great day be the signal of 
the conciliation of parties ; of the oblivion of resent- 
ments, and of the establishment of public peace and 
happiness. And fear not that this holy enthusiasm 
will hurry us beyond the proper and prescribed limits 
of public order. Under the protection of the law, the 
standard of liberty shall never become the rallying 
point of licentiousness and disorder. Gentlemen, 
we swear to you to respect the law which it is our 
duty to defend, — swear by our honor as freemen, — 
and Frenchmen do not promise in vain." To Louis 
he gave the unfeigned assurances of the loyalty of his 
people, and told him that he did not forget the rights 
of the sovereign, while he regarded those of the na- 
tion. "' Sire," said he, " in the course of those me- 
morable events which have restored to the nation its 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 255 

imprescriptible rights, and during which the energy 
of the people, and the virtues of their King, have pro- 
duced such illustrious examples for the contemplation 
of the world, we loved to hail, in the person of your 
majesty, the most illustrious of all titles, — chief of 
the French, and King of a free people. Enjoy, sire, 
the recompense of your virtues, and let that j)ure 
homage which despotism could not command, be the 
glory and reward of a citizen king. The National 
Guards of France swear to your majesty an obedience 
which shall know no other limits than those of the 
law, and a love which shall only terminate with their 
existence." 

The day of days at length came. Gray broke the 
dawn of the 14th of July. In the words of a his- 
torian of the Revolution, " In spite of plotting aris- 
tocrats, lazy, hired spadesmen, and almost of destiny 
itself — for there had been much rain — the Champ 
de Mars is fairly ready. The morning comes, cold 
for July ; but such a festival would make Greenland 
smile. Through every inlet of that national amphi- 
theater — for it is a league in circuit, cut with open- 
ings at due intervals — floods in the living throng, cov- 
ering, without tumult, space after space. Two hun- 
dred thousand patriotic men, and, twice as good, one 
hundred thousand patriotic women, all decked and 
glorified, as one can fancy, sit waiting in the Champ 
de Mars. Wliat a picture, that circle of bright-dyed 
life, spread up there on its thirty-seated slope, lean- 
ing, one would say, on the thick umbrage of those 
avenue trees — for the stems of them are hidden by 



256 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the height; and all beyond it mere greenness of the 
summer earth, with the gleam of waters or white 
sparklings of stone edifices. On remotest steeple 
and invisible village belfry stand men with spy- 
glasses. On the heights of Chaillot are many 
colored, undulating groups; round, and far on, over 
all the circling heights that embosom Paris, it is as 
one, more or less, peopled amphitheater, which the 
eye grows dim with measuring. 'Naj, heights have 
cannon, and a floating battery of cannon is on the 
Seine. When eye fails, ear shall serve. And all 
France, properly, is but one amphitheater; for, in 
paved town and unpaved hamlet men walk, listening, 
till the muffled thunder sounds audibly on their hori- 
zon, that they, too, may begin swearing and firing. 
But now, to streams of music, come confederates 
enough, for they have assembled on the Boulevard St. 
Antoine, and come marching through the city with 
their eighty-three department banners, and blessings, 
not loud but deep ; comes ISTptional Assembly, and 
takes seat under its canopy ; comes royalty, and takes 
seat on a throne beside it ; and Lafayette, on a white 
charger, is here, and all the civic functionaries ; and 
the confederates form dances, till their strictly mili- 
tary evolutions and manoeuvres can begin. Task not 
the pen of mortal to describe them ; truant imagina- 
tion droops — declares that it is not worth while. 
There is wheeling and sweeping to slow, to quick, to 
double quick time. Sieur Metier, or Generalissimo 
Lafayette — for they are one and the same, and he, as 
General of France, in the King's stead, for twenty- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 257 

four hours — must step forth with that sublime, chiv- 
alrous gait of his, solemnly ascend the steps of Fath- 
erland altar, in sight of heaven and of scarcely breath- 
ing earth, and pronounce the oath, " To King, to 
Law, to Nation," in his own name and that of armed 
France; whereat there is waving of banners, and 
sufficient acclaim. The National Assembly must 
swear, standing in its place; the King himself, au- 
dibly. The King swears ; and now be the welkin 
split with vivats ; let citizens, enfranchised, embrace ; 
armed confederates clang their arms ; and, above all, 
let that floating battery speak. It has spoken — to 
the four corners of France ! From eminence to emi- 
nence, bursts the thunder, faint heard, loud repeated. 
From Ai'ras to Avignon — from Metz to Bayonne — 
over Orleans and Blois — it rolls in cannon recitative ; 
Puy bellows of it amid his granite mountains ; Pau, 
where is the shell cradle of great Henri. At far 
Marseilles, one can think the ruddy evening witnesses 
it ; over the deep blue Mediterranean waters, the 
castle of If, ruddy tinted, darts forth from every 
cannon's mouth its tongue of fire ; and all the people 
shout, ' Yes, France is free ! ' Glorious France, that 
has burst out so, into universal sound and smoke, and 
attained the Phrygian cap of liberty." 

In this brilliant festival Lafayette was the grand 
actor. Neither King nor Queen, not even the As- 
sembly, nor the confederates, could awaken such ac- 
clamations as greeted him when he ascended the altar 
and took the prescribed oath. His popularity, how- 
ever, did not intoxicate him, or make him love free- 

17 



258 LIFE OF GENERAL 

dom the less. When the wish was indicated to him 
that he should be invested with the permanent com- 
mand of the military force of the realm, high as such 
an honor would be, he would not for a moment listen 
to the suggestion. He urged the deputation instead 
of thinking of him, to regard only the welfare of 
the common country, and not to blight the promise of 
brighter years. " Let not ambition," said he, " take 
possession of you ; love the friends of the people, but 
reserve blind submission for the law, and enthusiasm 
for -liberty. Pardon this advice, gentlemen ; you 
have given me the glorious right to offer it, when, by 
loading me with every species of favor which one of 
your brothers could receive from you, my heart, 
amidst its delightful emotions, cannot repress a feel- 
ing of fear." As the confederates were about to leave 
Paris for their homes, they gave Lafayette the assur- 
ance of their grateful affection. " The deputies of 
the IsTational Guards of France retire," said they, 
" with the regret of not being able to nominate you 
their chief. They respect the constitutional law, 
though it checks, at this moment, the impulse of their 
hearts. A circumstance which must cover you with 
immortal glory is, that you, yourself, promoted the 
law; that you, yourself, prescribed bounds to our 
gratitude." 

The multitudes, intoxicated with excitement and 
hope, left the Champ de Mars to the silence of night 
and the light of the stars, while their fevered brain 
repeated in fantastic dreams the scenes of that jubi- 
lant day, which was too soon to be followed by the 
groans of a decimated and frantic people. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 259 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The vacillating character of the French was 
never exhibited more clearly than in the events which 
followed immediately the 14th July. Before the 1st 
of August the solemn oath seemed to have been forgot- 
ten, and King and people were again involved in the 
bitterness of strife. Old jealousies were revived, — 
former disputes were renewed, the same contentions 
which had previously existed, were burning again 
with the violence of a conflagration which, after a 
momentary check, glows the more intensely. Louis, 
in the enjoyment of his transient repose, resembled 
the human victim of pagan sacrifice, wearing gar- 
lands and feasting, before laid upon the bloody altar. 
To Lafayette was committed the care of the palace, 
and under his constant surveillance the King affected 
to feel himself a prisoner. The Queen, who had al- 
ways distrusted the Marquis, influenced her lord to 
make peevish complaints concerning the manner of 
his attendance, to weaken, if possible, his popular 
favor. Lafayette, though he discerned this, yielded 
to the monarch's slightest wish, determining, what- 
ever might be the course of others, that he would be 
faithful to his oath, "to defend the King and the 
constitution." The fatter, he felt, could not stand 



260 LIFE OF GENERAL 

without Louis, who, he knew, must fall without that 
instrument ; he, therefore, defended both, as the only 
means of securing the interests of the state. Lafay- 
ette has been falsely accused of wavering here. There 
was a time when he seriously considered the question, 
whether a republic or a monarchy would the better 
promote the welfare of the people ; after he had 
calmly decided in favor of royalty, he was consistent. 
He saw that his countrymen were not prepared for a 
Republic; — he believed that a constitutionally lim- 
ited monarchy might be successfully administered, 
and acted accordingly. He did not luaver. Though 
in the midst of trials, — constantly harassed by diffi- 
culties which would have overcome a weaker mind, 
meeting with darkest enmity, he stood like a rock 
amid the ocean, unmoved by the shock of the waves. 
On the 26th of August, 1790, he thus writes to his 
cherished friend. Gen. Washington : — " We are dis- 
turbed with revolts among the regiments; and, as I 
am constantly attacked on both sides by the aristo- 
cratic and the factious parties, I do not know to which 
of the two we owe these insurrections. Our safe- 
guard against them is the National Guards. There 
are more than a million of armed citizens; among 
them, patriotic legions; and my influence with them 
is as great as if I had accepted the chief command. 
I have lately lost some of my favor with the mob, 
and displeased the frantic lovers of licentiousness, as 
I am bent on establishing a legal subordination. But 
the nation at large is very thankful to me for it. 
It is not out of the heads of aristocrats to make a 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 261 

counter revolution. Nay, they do what they can 
with all the crowned heads of Europe, who hate us. 
But I think their plans will be either abandoned or 
unsuccessful. I am rather more concerned at a di- 
vision that rages in the popular party. The club of 
the Jacobins, and that of '89,* as it is called, have 
divided the friends of liberty, who accuse each other, 
the Jacobins being taxed with a disorderly extrava- 
gance, and '89 with a tincture of ministerialism and 
ambition. I am endeavoring to bring about a recon- 
ciliation." 

The King and Queen, unable to see that Lafayette 
was their friend, were careful to annoy him, while 
the loyalists, who hated him, malignantly joined in 
the assault upon his character. Disturbances were 
fomented by the court, with the design of throwing 
Paris into confusion, with the hope that, in the at- 
tempt to quell them, he might be overcome or assas- 
sinated. Failing in this, efforts were made upon a 
grander scale. It was determined that the royal 
family should elude the vigilance of their keeper, and 
flee from Paris. This the King had long desired, 
for the fearful shadow of his doom, if he continued in 
the capital, was setting darkly upon his mind. A 
presentiment that he was destined to share the fate of 
Charles I. of England, strengthened hourly, and he 
had not the heart to meet it. A flight would ensure 
his own safety, and place him in a more advantageous 
position to treat with his refractory subjects. As 

* This club was afterwards called the Feuillans. It was in- 
stituted by Lafaj'ette, and others, in the year 1789, for the 
purpose of counteracting the influence of the Jacobins. 



262 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the people placed great reliance upon his safe-keep- 
ing among them, his flight would attach odium to the 
Marquis, a result very desirable to his foes. Louis 
had fully resolved to break away from the oaths with 
which he bound himself, and to flee from the capital 
as soon as opportunity should be presented. On the 
21st June, 1791, a plan, which had long been matur- 
ing, went into execution. In various disguises, one 
by one, the royal family left the palace by a private 
exit which communicated Avith the Carousel, crossed 
the Pont Royal, and, on the Quai des Theatins, en- 
tered the carriages which stood awaiting them, and 
were driven rapidly from Paris. 

This was at midnight, but not till eight o'clock the 
next morning was it known in the city, and then the 
news flew over it with the rapidity of the wind. La- 
fayette was for a moment staggered at the tidings, 
but his calmness returned when he heard his own 
name shouted with execrations by the mob, assem- 
bling in lawless haste. Immediately dispatching an 
order for the pursuit of the fugitives, whom he sup- 
posed to have been carried off by enemies of the 
public good, he repaired to the Hotel de Ville, and 
faced the throngs clamoring for vengeance upon his 
head, for having permitted the escape of the King. 
It was a moment that tried him to the center of feel- 
ing. The utter recklessness of a Parisian mob, none 
knew better than he ; and there was nothing to assure 
him that the same fury which had proved fatal to 
others, might not be executed upon himself. " Down 
with Lafayette," — ''Away with the traitor," were 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 263 

exclamations which met him as he approached, but 
his step faltered not and his eye glanced over the vast 
multitude, as though he could sway it at will. 

The mob were awed to silence by his presence, more 
commanding than the eloquence of his lips, and he 
stood before them with his arms quietly folded, in the 
consciousness which the populace might discern, and 
read the evidence that he had not betrayed the peo- 
ple's trust. When he opened his lips, it was to make 
neither defense nor apology. Turning their atten- 
tion to themselves, and the privileges for which they 
had struggled, he said, — " If you call this event a 
misfortune, what name would you give to a counter 
revolution which would deprive you of your lib- 
erty ? " This simple expression accomplished vastly 
more than a formal explanation could have done. 
The crowd turned the tide of action, though in a very 
different direction from that Lafayette had intended. 
First one, then another, and then the multitude, as 
with the voice of one man, sent up the deafening 
shout, " Let us make Lafayette our King." Here 
was a new danger, though just the exclamation he 
would have rejoiced to hear had he been governed by 
the principles attributed to him by his enemies. His 
real patriotism and disinterestedness are fully seen 
in his answer, — " I thought that you professed a bet- 
ter opinion of me. What have I done that you do 
not believe me fit for something better ? " It was 
enough. Shouts of " Long live the General " filled 
the air and tranquillity was again restored. 

In the l^ational Assembly, the flight of Louis was 



264 LIFE OF GENERAL 

discussed, and a few charged Lafayette witli con- 
niving at it. The suspicion was however indignantly 
repelled, and many of the political enemies of Lafay- 
ette denounced even the insinuation. When it was 
understood that he was surrounded by a threatening 
multitude, at the Hotel de Ville, they sent a deputa- 
tion from their own number, inviting him to proceed 
to their chamber, offering him an escort to protect 
him from the violence of the people. " I will order 
an escort for you," said Lafayette, " as a mark of re- 
spect ; but, for myself, I shall return alone. I have 
never been in more perfect safety than at this mo- 
ment, though the streets are filled with the people." 

The prompt means taken for the arrest of the royal 
family were successful, and the unhappy fugitives, 
overwhelmed with mortification, were brought back 
to Paris. They were received without open insult, 
but with none of the honors which usually attend the 
reception of royalty. A decree had been passed by 
the Assembly suspending Louis from his kingly func- 
tions, and placing a guard over his person, together 
with that of the Queen and the Dauphin. This left 
France virtually without a monarch, for no provision 
was made for a successor. Lafayette, therefore, as 
Commander-in-Chief of the Guards, was, in fact, 
chief ruler of France. To none could the interests 
of the realm at this critical period, have been better 
entrusted. With fidelity he discharged his various 
duties. He was at the same time the friend of the 
King, and the servant of the state, and successfully 
managed to harmonize both of these seemingly con- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 265 

flicting positions, to the satisfaction of each of the 
parties concerned. Lonis was his captive, but was 
made to feel restraint but lightly, while the people 
saw that every possible security was taken, to keep 
the noble prisoner safely. The confidence reposed in 
Lafayette at this period, he might have made subser- 
vient to his own self-aggrandizement, had he been r. 
traitor, when the permanent supreme power was 
within his grasp. The fact that scrutiny can detect 
no aiming at undue authority, proves the purity of 
his character. How different his conduct from that 
of Bonaparte ! 

Mighty influences were now at work in the King- 
dom. The Jacobin clubs * which had spread over 
France, and numbered nearly 400,000 members, were 
taking the first steps towards the supremacy they 
afterwards gained. They were the uncompromising 

*" A political club wliich exercised a very great influence 
during tlie French Rpvolution. It was originally ciUJpd the 
Club Breton, and was formed at Versailles, wlien tlie States- 
general assembled there in 1789. It tlien consisted exclu- 
sively of members of the States-general, all more or less 
liberal or revolutionary, but of very different sliades of 
ojjinion. On tlie removal of tlie court and National Assembly 
to Paris this club began to acquire importance. It now met 
i 1 a liall of tlie former Jacobin convent in tlie Rue Si. Honore, 
Paris; tlie Dominicans of France having come to lie known 
as .Jacobins from their chief Pai'is establishment 1 eing that 
of St. J.icques (Jacobus) in tlie Rue St. Jacques. Hence ilie 
revolutionary association received the name of the JiiCol)iii 
Clul>, which was first given to it by its enemies; the name 
which it adopted being tliat of the Sociefy of Friendu of Ihe 
ConfifUutiorr. It now also admitted members wlo ueie i'< t 
members of the National Assembly, and held regular and 
publii! sittings. It exc'cised a great influence over ihe rrita- 
tion. of which the chief setat and focus was in the c."])iial. 
and this influence was extended over the whole country by 
affiliated societies. Its power increased, until it became 



266 LIFE OF GENERAL 

enemies of monarcliy in any form, and advocated 
sternly a republic, regardless of consequences. To 
these was opposed the whole strength of the moderate 
revolutionists, who still held a majority in the As- 
sembly. The Jacobins contended that Louis, by his 
flight, had voluntarily abdicated the throne, and that 
the people should elect a ruler in his stead. For 
such a step, neither the representatives nor patriots 
abroad were prepared, and consequently they de- 
signed the restoration of Louis. He assured the As- 
sembly that he had no intention of fleeing from his 
kingdom ; that he only wished to ascertain the senti- 
ments of the people in reference to the constitution, 
and since he was satisfied that this was approved by 

greater than that of the National Assembly. It formed 
bx'anch societies or clubs throughout France, of which tliere 
were soon not less than twelve hundred. When the National 
Assembly dissolved itself in September, 1791, the election of 
the legislative assemblv was mainly accomplished under the 
influence of the Jacobin Club. Almost all the great events 
which followed in rapid succession were determined by the 
voice of the club, whose deliberations were regarded with 
more interest than those of the Legislative Assembly. It 
reached the zenith of its power when the National Conven- 
tion met in September, 1792. The agitation for the death of 
the king, the storm which destroyed the Girondists, the ex- 
citement of the lowest classes against the bourgeoisie or 
middle classes, and tlie reign of terror over all France were 
tlie woik of the Jacobins. But the overthrow of Robespierre 
on the 9th Thermidor, 1794, gave also the death blow to the 
Jacobin Club. The magic of its name was destroyed ; and 
the Jacobins sought in vain to contend against a reaction 
whicli increased daily botli in the convention and among the 
people. A law of October 16 forbade tlie affiliation of clubs, 
and on November 9, 1794, the Jacobin Club was finally closed, 
and its place of meeting was soon after demolished. The 
term Jacobins is often emploged to designate persons of 
extreme revolutionary sentiments." — [From "Chamber's En- 
cyclopaedia."'] 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 267 

his subjects, was himself ready to support it. The 
Assembly, therefore, removed the ban which they had 
laid upon him, declaring that Louis XVI. was not 
culpable for his recent journey, and could not be 
brought to trial on account of it. 

This decree raised a perfect storm of opposition. 
It was both decried in the legislative Hall and con- 
demned on the public platform. Robespierre * and 
Petion f raised their voices loudly against it, and 
when it was ultimately passed, they declared their 
intention of appealing from the sovereignty of the 
Assembly to that of the people. The Jacobins sec- 
onded their opposition, and excited the populace to 
resistance. It needed but a spark to inflame the com- 
bustible materials ; and this was like a fire-brand 
thrown into the magazine. Resentment sprung up 
every where, and the day after the bill passed, a great 
concourse gathered in the Champ de Mars to raise 
their solemn protest. Sedition was rife, but in the 

1 Robespierre (1758-1794). surnamed "the Incorruptible," 
was really the devil that inspired the crudest and bloodiest 
part of tlie Revolution. It is enough to say that during 
three months of the Reign of Terror he was dictator and 
reigned supreme. At last his power and the spell of his 
name was broken, and on July 28, 1794, the miserable, 
trembling wretch, with several partisans, was put to death 
by the guillotine. Tlie two following days other kindred 
characters — numbering more than a lumdred in all — met the 
same fate, and tlius " the fires of the Reign of Terror were 
qnenclied in a sea of blood." 

2 Pelion (1753-1794), not a man of great ability, was one 
of tlie ill-fated leaders of the Revolution. He was mayor of 
Paris in 1791-2. and was Girondist deputy to the Convention 
in 1792-.3. In June. 1793. he was proscribed, but sought to 
save liimsplf by flight to the south of France. He was found 
dead in a field near Bordeaux, having come to his death pre- 
sumably by suicide. 



26S LIFE OF GENERAL 

midst of anarchy, Lafayette, the man of the people, 
THE PATEiOT of the nation, suddenly appeared before 
them. Instead of obeying his orders to disperse, 
they turned to assail him for interfering with their 
proceedings. In the midst cf the angry tide he pro- 
claimed the principles of constitutional liberty, and 
recounted the oath they had taken there, hardly a 
year before ; but in vain. Another spirit was in the 
ascendant, and the words fell powerless from his lips. 
Threats were muttered, and a musket was fired at 
his person. Though near the muzzle he escaped un- 
harmed. The author cf the attempt was arrested by 
the Guards but released by their commander, for La- 
fayette was there to preserve life and quiet, at what- 
ever hazard to himself. He was intent upon quell- 
ing the insurrection, and would not leave the place 
till he had done it. Llis plans were made and exe- 
cuted with firmness which at length drove the rioters 
from the field, though not till after blood had been 
shed, which was subsequently remembered against 
him. 

This outbreak and other minor circumstances con- 
vinced the Assembly of the necessity of establishing 
the government upon a stronger tasis, and they has- 
tened to a final revision of the constitution. This 
important instrument had been framed with great 
care, and though many of its provisions had been sub- 
jected to stormy debates, it was still adapted to heal 
the dissensions which tossed the nation. It was, 
therefore, soon completed, and submitted to Louis 
for his acceptance. " From that moment," says 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE). ^g9 

Thiers, " his freedom was restored to him ; or, if that 
expression be objected to, the strict watch kept over 
the palace ceased, and he had liberty to retire whith- 
ersoever he pleased, to examine the constitutional act 
and to accept it freely. What was Louis XVI. to do 
in this case ? To reject the constitution would have 
been to abdicate in favor of a republic. The safest 
way, even according to his own system, was to accept 
it, and to expect, from time to time, those restitu- 
tions of power which he considered as due to him. 
Accordingly, after a certain number of days, he de- 
clared that he accepted the constitution. An extra- 
ordinary joy burst forth at this intelligence, as if, in 
fact, some obstacle had been anticipated on the part 
of the King, and his assent had been an unhoped for 
concession. He repaired to the Assembly, where he 
was received as in the most brilliant times. Lafay- 
ette, who never forgot to repair the inevitable evils 
of political troubles, proposed a general amnesty for 
all acts connected with the Revolution, which was 
proclaimed, amid shouts of joy, and the prison doors 
were instantly thrown open. At length, on the 30th 
of September, [1791] Thouret, the last president, 
declared that the Constituent Assembly had termi- 
nated its sittings." * 

A few days afterwards, Lafayette, considering the 
purposes of his appointment fulfilled, and deeply 
desiring to retire into private life, resigned his office 

* This Assembly had been in existence tbree years, and had 
enacted 1309 laws and decrees relative to legislation or to the 
general administration of the state. 



270 LIFE OF GENERAL 

as Commander-in-Chief of the IsTational Guards. His 
letter, stating his intentions, was kind and elevated. 
" To serve you until this day, gentlemen," said he, 
'" was a duty imposed upon me by the sentiments 
which have animated my whole life. To resign now, 
without reserve, to my country, all the power and 
influence she gave me for the purpose of defending 
her during recent convulsions, — this is a duty I owe 
to my well known resolutions, and it amply satisfies 
the only species of ambition I possess." 

This was received with unfeigned regret. La- 
fayette was more than their leader, he was their idol. 
They gathered around him and desired him to con- 
tinue ;at their head. When this was denied, they 
forged a sword from the bolts of the Bastile, and pre- 
sented it, expressive both of their love and his worth 
in the crusade upon oppression. The municipality 
of Paris voted him a medal, emblematic of his saving 
the city so often from riot and bloodshed, causing a 
complimentary inscription to be placed on the bust of 
Lafayette, which had been presented to Paris twelve 
years before, by Virginia. Tokens of favor, no less 
pleasing, were showered upon him by individuals. 
Amid the honors of a grateful nation, he retired to 
his home, and was surrounded once more, with the 
joys of his quiet family circle. Ambition was satis- 
fied, and he hoped that retirement would no more be 
disturbed by the tumults of political strife. When 
he learned that Bailly had resigned his office, and 
that he was placed as a candidate for the vacant 
mayorality of Paris, it gave him little satisfaction]; 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, 271 

the news that he was defeated through the influence 
of the court, gave him less regret. The fact that 
Louis should exert himself so strenuously to promote 
the overthrow of his best friend is a singular proof 
of weakness and infatuation. Petion, whom the 
money of the King alone raised to the mayorship, was 
a decided Jacobin ; and the throne which Lafayette 
would have sacrificed his life to sustain, he would 
have overthrown in a moment. By giving him of- 
fice, Louis hastened his own execution. The election 
of Petion placed the Jacobins in power, and their 
iron rule was soon felt. The Revolution would have 
stopped when the King signed the constitution, but 
for this ; it was now destined to roll on till he was 
crushed beneath it. Bitterly did Louis XVL after- 
wards rue the act when it was all too late to apply a 
remedy ; and never yet did a King meet a fate more 
certainly brought upon him by his own suicidal weak- 
ness. 

Lafayette could not long indulge in the seclusion 
which he had chosen. France could not do without 
him, and an opportunity was soon presented again to 
enffase activelv in her service. The Revolution had 
driven many of the nobility from the kingdom, who, 
taking refuge with different foreign powers, en- 
deavored to foment war against France. European 
politics were just then in a state which admitted of 
excitement, and these refugees soon kindled a blaze. 
The despots of many of the continental sovereignties 
caught the idea of stopping the Revolution by the 
sword, and they engaged in the struggle. The start- 



272 Lif'E OF GENERAL 

ling rumor reached Paris, that a large army was pre- 
paring for invasion ; the difficulties of faction, in the 
city, were forgotten in view of the new and alarming 
calamity which threatened the country. The King 
united himself with the Legislative body in devising 
the mode of resistance. In December, 1791, the 
plans for defense were matured. Three armies of 
fifty thousand men each, were to meet on the Rhine, 
and Lafayette, associated with Generals Luckner and 
Roehambeau, was appointed to command them. In 
proud array the armies commanding the whole fron- 
tier from Switzerland to Dunkirk, assured the in- 
vaders, that France, though distracted by Revolution, 
was yet a dreaded foe. The central army was as- 
signed to Lafayette, who, fixing his head quarters at 
Metz, posted his defense, so as to command the whole 
line from the Meuse to the Moselle. The feelings 
with which he found himself again in military life 
are exhibited in the following extracts from a letter 
which he wrote to General Washington, from his 
rendezvous, at Metz, dated January 22d, 1792 ; 

" This is a very different date from that which had 
announced to you my return to the sweets of private 
life; — a situation hitherto not very familiar to me, 
but which, after fifteen revolutionary years, I had 
become quite fit to enjoy. I have given you an ac- 
count of the quiet and rural mode of living I had 
adopted in the mountains, where I was born, having 
there a good house and a late manor,* now unlorded 

* Herp is an evi'^lenoe that Lnfavette carried ont his profes- 
sions, pven wli^n thov interfered as in the present instance, 
with his individual rights. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 273 

into a large farm, with an English overseer for my 
instruction. I felt myself very happy among my 
neighbors, no more vassals to me nor any body, and 
had given to my wife and rising family, the only 
quiet weeks they had enjoyed for a long time, when 
the threats and mad preparations of the refugees, 
and, still more, the countenance they had obtained in 
the dominions of our neighbors, induced the National 
Assembly and the King, to adopt a more rigorous 
system than had hitherto been the case. 

" I had refused every public employment that had 
been offered by the people, and, still more, I had 
denied my consent to my being appointed to any mili- 
tary command ; but when I saw our liberties and 
constitution were seriously threatened, and my ser- 
vices could be usefully employed in fighting for our 
old cause, I could no longer resist the wishes of my 
countrymen ; and as soon as the King's express 
reached my farm, I set out for Paris ; from thence to 
this place ; and I do not think it uninteresting to you, 
my dear General, to add, that I was every where on 
the road affectionately welcomed." 

War was formally declared against Austria on the 
20th of April, [1792] and offensive preparations 
commenced. The ^N^etherlands were then under the 
dominion of Austria. The French Revolution had 
kindled a kindred spirit among them, and it was sup- 
posed the whole nation would joyfully welcome a 
French army which should offer means of deliverance 
from their old masters. A plan of action was ma- 
tured by the Ministry, and, despite the cry of faction 
i8 



274 LIFE OF GENERAL 

in Paris, it was sent to the generals of the forces for 
enforcement. A part of this design was, that all the 
troops should be in motion about the same time, and 
form, if possible, a general rendezvous in the center 
of the Austrian ITetherlands. The chief movement 
was entrusted to Lafayette, who, on the 24th of April, 
was ordered to collect his regiments and proceed to 
Givet, a distance of more than sixty leagues, by the 
1st of May. This surprising requisition could only 
have been executed by the wonderful celerity with 
which Lafayette was accustomed to move his armies. 
Though his enemies hoped that he would not be able 
to accomplish it, when the day came he was at the 
post assigned, awaiting further orders. The whole 
expedition was, however, destined to an inglorious 
close. While Lafayette was on his way to Givet, his 
enemies, who hated him more intensely than they 
loved the state, were plotting his ruin. A plan was 
laid upon a gTand scale to draw off, by the blackest 
treachery, the extra divisions ordered to his aid, and 
so, by leaving him unsupported, force him to with- 
draw ingloriously from the field. They knew that 
he would not remain in the face of all Europe, with 
his handful of fifty thousand men; and that a re- 
treat would be a bitter necessity to him. Their pur- 
pose was successful. At Givet, Lafayette learned 
with dismay that the two divisions which had been de- 
tached from Rochambeau's army had suddenly dis- 
banded and fled in confusion, before seeing the en- 
emy. His first design was to entrench himself in his 
present position and wait for further supplies j but a 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 275 

moment's consideration convinced him not only that 
it was impracticable, but enabled him to read clearly 
the causes which had led to the defection. 'No man 
could have acted more wisely than he at this juncture. 
Surrounded by secret and open foes; not knowing 
how far their machinations might have extended 
among his own men ; convinced that it would be mad- 
ness to attempt to carry on the war alone, he yielded 
to the mandate of fate, and fell back with his men to 
his former post, making arrangements to act with 
efficiency at a moment's warning. 

The news from Paris, soon convinced him that the 
conflict would not be carried on. Faction was again 
reigning in the city, and no party had sufficient power 
to control the machinery of war. With dismal fore- 
bodings, Lafayette turned his anxious eyes towards 
the capital, and read a premonition of fearful days in 
the portentous shadows which were slowly, but stead- 
ily, deepening over Paris and the entire kingdom. 
He saw Louis, too suspicious to abandon himself to 
any one of the parties, and too feeble to master them 
all, successively made the object, the tool and the vic- 
tim of each. The Girondists,* the Jacobins,f and 
the Feuillants,:}: were all striving for mastery; and 

*The Girondists, so called from the department of Gironde 
from whence its leaders came, was the party of thf modeiate 
Republicans during tlie period of tlie Frencli Revolution. 
Many of their leaders wei'e executed during tiie niglit of 
October 30-31, in the fearful year of 1793. One may learn 
much of the spirit of the times from Victor Hugo's " Ninety 
Three." 

fFor the Jacobins, see above, page 265. note. 

I The Feuillants, a celebrated revolutionary club, was 
organized, in 1790, by Lafayette, Sieyes, Larochefoucauld, 



276 LIFE OF GENERAL 

tliough the latter yielded tacitly to the King, it was 
only from fear, without confidence, while both of the 
former were undisguised in their opposition. They 
were equally at enmity with each other, and this 
spirit was unceasingly fanned by foreign agents ever 
anxious to spread disorder and ruin. Lafayette be- 
held the vial of political wrath fast filling, and knew 
it would shortly be poured upon the monarch's de- 
voted head. " Would that he had trusted me," was 
his fervent exclamation, as courier following courier 
brought news that the plot was thickening around the 
person of him whom he had sworn, and was willing, 
to defend. He determined upon a final struggle to 
save the King. From his camp at Maubeage, on the 
16th June, 1792, he wrote his famous letter to the 
convention, in which he set forth plainly the con- 
dition to which the nation was reduced. In no 
measured terms he told them that the sword of Aus- 
tria or of Europe, could not give so dangerous a blow 
to France as the jealousies and sharp contentions 
among her own citizens. He spoke of the Jacobins 
as enemies of the realm, and with far sighted sagacity 
predicted the results which would inevitably occur, 
if not speedily overthrown. " Can you dissemble 
even to yourselves," said he, " that a faction — and to 
avoid all vague demonstrations — the Jacobin faction, 
have caused all these disorders ? It is that society 
which I boldly denounce; organized in its affiliated 

arifl others. It took its name fi'om the Cistercian order of 
Feuillans. wliose convent in the Rue St. Honore was ifs place 
of meetino;. It was dispprsed by a mob March 38, 1791, and 
finally broken up in August, 1793. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 2Y7 

societies like a separate empire in the metropolis, and 
blindly governed by some ambitious leaders, this so- 
ciety forms a totally distinct corporation in the midst 
of the French nation, whose powers it usurps, by 
tyrannizing over its representatives and constituted 
authorities." He thus alluded to the King: — "Let 
the royal authority be untouched, for it is guaranteed 
by the constitution ; — let it be independent, for its in- 
dependence is one of the springs of our liberty ; — let 
the King be revered, for he is invested with the maj- 
esty of the nation ; — let him choose a ministry which 
wears the chain of no faction ; — and if traitors exist, 
let them perish under the sword of the law." 

No other man in France could have written such a 
letter, and none other would have dared to do it, if he 
could. An excitement, unequalled even in that time, 
succeeded its reception. The Jacobins had hereto- 
fore recoiled from a direct contest with Lafayette, but 
there was no longer retreat for them, or an alterna- 
tive, save resistance. They met on the 18th of June, 
and though they knew with whom they had to deal, 
they entered upon the struggle for life or death. 
With one voice they took a solemn oath to destroy 
him, and they had never yet sworn in vain. They 
proposed that he should be sent to Orleans as a 
traitor; — that a price should be set upon his head, 
and that an edict should be issued, allowing any body 
who pleased, to murder him. iNot content with open 
condemnation, their sleepless espionage was em- 
ployed to influence the public mind. 

Their savage anathemas were not without effect. 



278 LIFE OF GENERAL 

The Parisian mob, a faithless rahble, forgot his devo- 
tion to their safety, and turned their wrath upon him. 
With great adroitness the Jacobin leaders showed 
the people the expressions in his letter unfavorable to 
Louis, and made them believe that Louis and Lafay- 
ette were leagued against them. On the 20th of 
June, they rose in insurrection. Twenty thousand 
men of the lowest rank, armed with pikes and lances, 
paraded the streets of Paris, ready for slaughter. 
The Jacobins were among them to exasperate them to 
demoniac madness. Suddenly a shout arose, swell- 
ing to a deafening cry, and rolling in fearful rever- 
berations over the city — " To the Tuilleries !" " To 
the Tuilleries ! " " Down with the King ! " The 
resistless wave rolled onward, sweeping every barrier 
that opposed its progress. The guards of the palace 
fell back or were trampled, after an unavailing de- 
fense, beneath their feet. The calls of vengeance ; — 
the yells of execration ; — the curses loud and vehe- 
ment, came to Louis, sitting in his chamber, with 
knell-like terror. Even then he felt as never before, 
that he was a man, — and determined to prove him- 
self " every inch a King." He caught the spirit of 
the long line of monarchs M^hom he had succeeded, 
and, as the throng burst into his apartment, he met 
them with a dignity which made the leaders pause 
and recede. An outcry soon followed, but he was no 
longer to be intimidated by threats. If he could not 
save himself like a hero, he would at least die as be- 
came a sovereign. His dignified demeanor awed the 
crowd,, and his assurances that he was the friend of 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 279 

the people, hushed the tumult. The Assembly sent 
a deputation to his relief, who, crowding around him, 
rebuked the populace for the indignity offered to his 
majesty. Vergniaud and others harangued the 
crowd and persuaded them to retire, leaving the King 
again free from the dread of immediate violence, but 
with a rayless future before him. 

On the 28th of June, Lafayette appeared in Paris. 
It was a bold step, but had been determined upon, 
when he learned the impression which his letter had 
made. The Assembly had charged him with a Crom- 
wellian attempt at dictation, and he was there an- 
swering the slander by his silent attendance. He left 
his army, and came alone, a citizen to plead his own 
cause ; asserting his innocence and asking punish- 
ment for the authors of the late outrages in the capi- 
tal. He knew the power of the Jacobins, but did not 
hesitate, in their very citadel, to charge their crimes 
home and demand the suppression of their clubs. 
He closed his speech in words well befitting him ; — 
" Such are the representations submitted to the As- 
sembly by a citizen, whose love of libertj^, at least, 
will not be disputed." 

His address was received with applause, but it was 
powerless in accomplishing the great object for which 
it was made. The Jacobin leaders, though awed, 
were not so easily crushed. In public and in private, 
in the Assembly, in the streets, and in their clubs, he 
was decried as the enemy of liberty and the betrayer 
of the confidence of the people. He was charged 
with neglect of the public good, in leaving the camp 



280 LIFE OF GENERAL 

at that period ; — the journals represented his conduct 
as high treason; — he was called a liberticide, and a 
second Cromwell, with this difference, that he acted 
in concert with the King against the rights of the 
masses ; — his effigy was burnt at the Palais Royal ; — 
and he was accused of having proposed to march with 
his force to Paris. The direct charges he was able 
to meet and refute, but he could not remove the taint 
which the Jacobins were successful in indirectly 
casting upon him. It was not enough that he pointed 
to his past acts, and asking his enemies to specify his 
crimes, and prove them, — the Jacobins were fast be- 
coming omnipotent in the state, and the fickle host 
which had lavished upon him the wealth of their adu- 
lation, were ready to pay homage at a rival shrine. 
Before two days had elapsed, Lafayette perceived the 
posture of things, and that it was useless to remain 
longer in the city. He waited upon Louis, and re- 
ceived his thanks, and on the 30th of June, returned 
to his command. His mission had been a complete 
failure, and worse. He had not only been forced, 
but the enemies of himself and the kingdom had posi- 
tively triumphed. For the first time in his life he 
was defeated, after having staked every thing on the 
issue. Though overcome in the contest, he was sus- 
tained by the consciousness that he had done all that 
man could do to rekindle the beacons of freedom 
which were fast expiring in the land. 

But a new trial awaited him when he reached the 
army. His foes had been scattering the seeds of dis- 
cord there, and he was already deserted by comrades 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 281 

in whom he had reposed uninterrupted confidence. 
He found that in his own camp he was no longer safe. 
Midnight hung upon his horizon, and his career ap- 
peared to be near its goal. He remained at the head 
of the army, because he felt that he could not, at this 
juncture, abandon it, and watched with intensest in- 
terest the rapid developments of feeling in Paris. 

The Reign of Terror, like a blind Polyphemus, 
was striding forward to erect the guillotine and deci- 
mate a kingdom ; the heart of the patriot sunk within 
him, as he caught the monstrous outline, and read 
the dark mission of the lawless destroyer. On it 
came; it could not be stayed, but Lafayette resolved 
upon another struggle for his country's salvation. 
He believed that, the only hopeful plan would be to 
extricate the King from the crafty plots which 
pointed to his overthrow. A plan was matured by 
Lafayette for removing Louis from the capital and 
placing him in a position where he could command, 
rather than sue for obedience. The 14th of July, the 
anniversary of the Federation, was approaching, and 
the plan was for the king to summon Generals Luck- 
ner and Lafayette to the city to participate in it, and 
when passed, to proceed to the Assembly in open day, 
and announce his intention of spending a short time 
at Compeigne. Lafayette was to provide a suitable 
escort for him, and when at Compeigne there were 
to be associated with this a detachment of militia and 
two regiments from the Marquis' chasseurs. These 
would afford him a sufficient body guard, and he 
could then, without fear, issue his proclamation, de- 



^82 LIFE OF GENERAL 

daring his adherence to the constitution, and that all 
who opposed were traitors to the realm. The plan 
in its details was well arranged, and doubtless would 
have succeeded could the King have been prevailed 
upon to accept it. His true friends strongly urged 
him to put confidence in Lafayette, but the counter- 
revolutionists succeeded, and the proposal was re- 
jected. Louis was a shipwrecked mariner, and now 
madly pushed away the last plank which could save 
him ; yet he saw not that he was amid the waves, un- 
til beyond rescue. 

Lafayette, finding his plans a failure, waited 
calmly the fatal result. Reports of conspiracy and 
intrigues, of misrule and the collision of parties, con- 
stantly reached his ears. Violent charges were made 
against him in the Assembly, but, prepared for the 
worst, they inflicted no pang. His name was asso- 
ciated with treason, and made the by-word of faction. 
Soon as his plan for the deliverance of Louis was 
known in Paris, the Jacobins boldly demanded his 
impeachment. A tempest, unknown before in that 
body, arose when this proposition was offered. The 
warm friends of Lafayette manfully spurned it, 
while his enemies supported it with slander and foul- 
est abuse. The unstable crowd joined in the cry. 
But so flagrant injustice could not triumph yet. 
The last righteous act of that Assembly was done, 
when, on the 8th of August, they put aside the mo- 
tions, and declared that Lafayette was still worthy 
of the confidence of the people of France. 

Hardly had the courier borne to the Marquis this 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 283 

intelligence, before another arrived, bringing the ter- 
rible news of complete revolution in Paris. The 
10th of August had arrived, — the birthday of the 
Reign of Terror. Faction had triumphed. The 
Jacobins roused the people, and an insurrection, wild 
and uncontrollable, rocked the metropolis. The royal 
palace was stormed ; Louis was forced to flee to the 
Assembly for protection ; the masses, thirsting for 
blood, had begun the work of slaughter, afterwards 
carried on to its terrible consummation. The con- 
stitution was trampled under foot, and openly de- 
cried : monarchy was swept away like a floating bub- 
ble, and the King, himself hurled from his throne, 
was shut up in prison to await a mock trial and ig- 
nominious death. 

Lafayette had, in anticipation of this, moved his 
army to Sedan, only two days march from Paris, and 
now formed the bold design of striking a blow for 
the restoration of order and the recover}' of liberty. 
He distributed among his battalions a decisive letter, 
declaring the destruction of the constitution by ban- 
ditti, and the deposition of the King, — " Citizens," 
said he, " you are no longer represented ; the !Na- 
tional Assembly are in a state of slavery ; your armies 
are without leaders ; Petion reigns ; the savage Dan- 
ton * and his satellites are masters. Thus, soldiers, 

* Danton (1759-1794) was one of the bloodiest of the leaders 
of tlie French Revolution. He was a member of the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety in 1793. By the aid of Robespierre 
he overthrew the party of Hebert, but was in turn over- 
thrown by Robespierre and died by the guillotine. His over- 
throw, liovvever, was but the prelude of that of Robespierre, 
who suffered the same fate in less than four months after- 



284 LIFE OF GENERAL 

it is your province to examine whether you will re- 
store the hereditary representative to the throne, or 
submit to the disgrace of having a Petion for your 
King." 

For a brief time he hoped that this communication 
would be productive of good. The soldiery an- 
nounced by their shouts of rage, that the tide of in- 
dignation was deep. The General had already disre- 
garded the orders sent to him by the Assembly, and 
had put under arrest, the three commissioners de- 
puted from that body, to enforce them. The first 
expression of his men was approbation, assuring 
him of cordial support. Their zeal soon subsided 
into apathy, and this gradually changed first to se- 
cret, then to open, defection. 'No other army could 
Lafayette depend upon, and even his chosen division 
contained enemies who were actively employed. 

As soon as the tidings of these disasters were re- 
ceived by the representatives, they at once passed a 
decree depriving him of his command and appointing 
Dumouriez,* an officer of their own interest, in his 
stead. Trial came upon trial — but, for a time, he 
concealed the critical posture of affairs. His path 



wards, the former being beheaded on April 5, and the latter 
on July 28, 1794. 

* Dumouriez (1739-1833) was a soldier attached to the Re- 
publican party at the time of the French Revolution, but the 
execution of the king alienated him from that party. When 
he was recalled to Paris by the Convention, in 1793, instead 
of obeying he fled the country and passed the rest of his life 
in exile. He died near Henley-on-Thames, England, in the 
eighty-fifth year of his age. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 285 

seemed crossed on every hand. " To have marched 
directly to Paris, would have exposed the King and 
his family to certain destruction ; and in erecting the 
standard of revolt in the provinces, he would have 
been opposed by the other armies, and a civil war 
must inevitably have followed. In addition to these 
considerations, France was, at this moment, pressed 
on all sides by the enemy, and the idea of a capitula- 
tion with the presumptuous invaders of his country, 
struck him with horror. He was resolved, therefore, 
whatever might occur, neither to leave the frontiers 
destitute of defense, nor to lose his reputation by 
means of a disgraceful compact. But the oath that 
he had taken to support the constitutional King 
marked out a line of conduct from which he could not 
honorably swerve. 

" He formed a plan to rally around him the neigh- 
boring departments, and to form, with some of the 
members of the constituted authorities, a kind of 
congress, to which he expected that many opposition 
members of the legislative body would unite them- 
selves. Supported by the civil power, and seconded 
by the armies of the Moselle and the Rhine, he might 
have organized a powerful opposition, and reestab- 
lished the constitution. But every circumstance neces- 
sary to the success of his project, failed : — the enemy, 
on the threshold of the empire, concentrated all his 
power ; — the fickle conduct of the King and court, de- 
stroyed all confidence, and rendered all his measures 
ineffectual ; — the soldiery, had come to know no other 
power than the decrees of the Assembly ; every thing 



286 LIFE OF GENERAL 

conspired in crushing an enterprise which the rapid- 
ity of events had not afforded him time to mature, 
whose success, if only partial, might have opened the 
gates of the frontiers to the enemy, and which it was 
impossible after the events of the 10th of August, 
completely to effect." 

But the chief difficulty in the way of preventing 
the successful execution of the plan, lay in the state 
of his own forces. They began to comprehend his 
situation, and conflicting feelings were rife among 
them. But what tended most especially to weaken 
his hold over them, was the following order passed by 
the Assembly: 

" ISTATIOlSrAL ASSEMBL,Y, AugTist 17, 1792. 
^' Decree of accusation against M. de Lafayette. 

" L — It appears to this Assembly, that there is just 
ground for accusation against M. de Lafayette, here- 
tofore commander of the army of the north. 

" II. — The executive power shall, in the most expe- 
ditious manner possible, carry the present decree into 
execution ; and all constituted authorities, all citizens, 
and all soldiers, are hereby enjoined, by every means 
in their power, to secure his person. 

" III. — The Assembly forbids the army of the 
north, any longer to acknowledge him as a General, 
or to obey his orders ; and strictly enjoins that no per- 
son whatsoever, shall furnish any thing to the troops, 
or pay any money for their use, but by the orders of 
M. Dumourier." 

This decree was circulated through the army, and 
the power of Lafayette over it was gone. The sol- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 287 

diers had become generally infected with the prin- 
ciples of the time, and the emissaries of the Jacobins, 
sent thither, had no difficulty in convincing them, 
that disobedience to his command was duty, and to 
recognize him officially longer, was a violation of the 
laws. In this condition a single course remained to 
him. To attempt again to plead his cause before the 
bar of the Assembly, would, he knew, be worse than 
useless. To attempt to force the members to just 
terms and to reestablish the constitutional monarchy 
by the might of arms, was beyond his power. To re- 
main in camp was idle, and would subject him to 
needless danger. There was no alternative but flight, 
and this, with the greatest reluctance, he determined 
to embrace. Before parting, however, he arranged 
every thing throughout the army, to prevent sudden 
surprise from the enemy, anxious even in that mo- 
ment, for the welfare of a country which had basely 
discarded him. The preparations for this departure 
were made secretly, as is stated, to avoid increasing 
the number of his companions in exile. He would 
not draw away a soldier or officer from service, 
though it were to relieve with his presence the bitter- 
ness of voluntary banishment. Taking with him two 
or three trusty friends, he quietly left the camp on 
the morning of the 20th of August, before the dawn 
of day, and turned towards the Netherlands, to re- 
ceive, in a hostile and foreign land, the safety which 
he could not find at home. 

Unlike Washington, he had to deal with unprin- 
cipled men who, repudiating the religion of the Bible, 



288 LIFE OF GENERAL 

raved like maniacs around what they called the altar 
of Eeason. Lafayette fled from their orgies and 
their wrath, with the natural repulsion, mingled with 
grief, that sent Lot out of the city of Sodom. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 289 



CHAPTER IX. 

The companions of the Marquis were the two 
brothers, Louis and Victor Latour Maubourg, Bureau 
de Puzy, Alexandre Lameth, Auguste Masson, Rene 
Pillet, and Cardignan. These eight fugitives en- 
tered the Netherlands, from France, hoping to be 
able to proceed to America or to take up their resi- 
dence in some European province, not then at war 
with France. They knew the hazard of falling in 
with the Austrian army, but, at the worst, they 
could be treated only as prisoners of war, and con- 
cluded this preferable to the peril in camp. On ar- 
riving at Rochefort after a rapid journey, they 
found themselves in the neighborhood of an ad- 
vanced guard of Austrians. They could not proceed 
without passports, and could not retreat without dan- 
ger of falling into the hands of the French. At the 
outskirts of Rochefort, de Puzy was sent forward to 
solicit passports, without disclosing the names or 
rank of those for whom they were desired. Count 
d'Harnoncourt, who then held command at this post, 
was a shrewd man, closely questioned de Puzy re- 
specting his companions and their object in flying 
from France. Finding that they would be unwill- 
ing to join the refugees in the Austrian ranks, but 
19 



290 LIFE OF GENERAL 

they were patriots, d'Harnoncourt, detained de Puzy 
and ordered the rest to advance. Refusal to obey 
this command was out of the question, and soon La- 
fayette was among the foes of the Republic, and un- 
der the piercing gaze of the commandant. Contrary 
to his hopes he was instantly recognized, and d'Har- 
noncourt, of course, would not allow them to pass till 
he had communicated with his superior officer. With 
some empty expressions of respect, he told them it 
was impossible for them to depart until the next 
day, and that it would be necessary to obtain the re- 
quisite permission from General Moitelle, who was 
then stationed at l^amur. 

A messenger was dispatched to that place, with the 
important intelligence that Lafayette was a prisoner, 
and de Puzy accompanied him to solicit, in person, 
the continuance of their journey. Arriving at Ka- 
mur he was ushered into the presence of the Aus- 
trian General, whose dull eye kindled with a strange 
fire when he learned the purport of his errand. He 
could hardly believe his senses when he heard that 
d'Harnoncourt held in safe keeping, at Rochefort, the 
bravest general against whom the allied armies op- 
posed to France were called to contend. " What ! " 
said he, " Lafayette ? Lafayette ? Run instantly 
and inform the Duke of Bourbon of it," said he to 
one of his officers. " Lafayette ? Set out this mo- 
ment and carry this news to his royal highness at 
Brussels," he added to another, and on he went, is- 
suing his orders and muttering the word Lafayette, 
until, before the astonished de Puzy could interpose 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 291 

a word, the news had been dispatched to half tho 
princes and generals in Europe, that Lafayette was 
a captive with the allies. Passports were, of course, 
refused, and on the 21st of August the prisoners 
were conducted to I^amur, to gratify the command- 
ant's curiosity, and to learn how the laws of nations 
and of war may yield to a selfish policy, forgetful 
of every principle of right in the furtherance of 
base and narrow ends. Lafayette was now a close 
prisoner, and, indignities were offered which made 
him blush for his human fellowship with those who 
insulted him. It was hinted to him that he might 
purchase a mitigation of his hardships, by revealing 
the condition and military resources of France, and 
giving to the allied armies such other information as 
would aid them in their proposed invasion. This was 
too much for the high spirit of the Marquis. He 
thought of Arnold, and thus linking that name with 
his, made his heart burn with indignation. Prince 
Charles, who visited him to open the subject, shrunk 
with shame before the man who spurned treachery 
as infinitely more dreadful than death itself. The 
Austrians did not know the high spirit of their pris- 
oner. They had heard of his patriotism, but it was 
"unmeaning to the dull ears upon which despotism 
had poured its notes of arrogance and the sound of 
fetters. They supposed that he must be governed 
by motives like their own, and marvelled at the re- 
verse. 

From ISTamur the captives were conducted to 
Nivelles where further contempt was borne. A 



292 LIFE OF GENERAL 

commissioner waited upon them from the Duke of 
Saxe Teschen, leader of the Austrian forces at Brus- 
sels, to demand, in due form, for the King of France, 
it was said, the treasure which Lafayette was sup- 
posed to have taken with him in his flight. Such a 
demand was at first received as an undignified joke, 
but when the signs of authority were displayed, and 
the commissioner gave assurance of his earnestness, 
Lafayette met him with mingled indignation and 
scorn. " I am to infer then," said he with cutting 
emphasis, " that if the Duke of Saxe Teschen had 
been in my place he would have stolen the military 
chest of the army. Tell him that the generals of 
the King of France were taught in a different school 
of morals." 

From IvTivelles, Lafayette was conducted to Lux- 
embourg, where an attempt was made to assassinate 
him by some of the French refugees. Escaping from 
this, he was reserved for a severe and almost hope- 
less captivity. His captors, disregarding entirely the 
claims of justice and humanity and the laws of na- 
tions, treated him like a feared and hated serf. A 
correspondence was had between the courts of Vien- 
na and Berlin, by which it was finally decided that 
he should be given over to the Prussians, for more 
cruel confinement. The hand tingles with shame 
when called to record the fact; but truths more hu- 
miliating and abhorrent lie in the subsequent trans- 
actions. 

At Luxembourg, the captives were placed in a 
common cart, closely guarded, and hurried to Wessel, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 293 

on the Rhine, within the Prussian domain. The 
news of their approach collected the populace along 
their way, to salute with hoarse and unfeeling taunts 
the very man who was a martyr to their rights. 
The guard made no effort to prevent it. Lafayette 
was thrust into prison at Wessel. A thrill ran 
along his frame when the heavy manacles were 
locked upon his hands and feet, but when he heard 
the dungeon doors turn upon their hinges, and the 
bolts drop into their sockets, his accustomed tranquil- 
ity returned. 

l^ature, however, yielded. The cold damp air of 
his cell, added to the hardships through which he had 
passed, brought on sickness which, for a time, pre- 
cluded hope of recovery. Day by day his strength 
wasted, but no mitigation of his confinement was al- 
lowed him. Once the King of Prussia offered him 
aid if he would assist in the plans forming against 
Prance; but he met the message with the scorn it 
merited, and bade the officer who brought it, return 
to his master and tell him that he was yet Lafay- 
ette. 

The King exhausted his ingenuity in increasing 
the burden of incarceration. Enraged by the con- 
tempt of his noble prisoner, he transferred him to a 
gloomier abode. The dungeons of Wessel were not 
dark enough to suit the monarch's malignity; he de- 
termined to use others. Without warning, Lafayette 
and his friends were thrown into the cart which 
brought them to Wessel and hurried away. 'No inti- 



294 LIFE OF GENERAL 

mation of the object of this removal was given, till 
the sombre towers of Magdeburg rose in the distance, 
and thej were told that its chill caverns were to be 
their home. ISTo intelligence was received respect- 
ing their families, but reports of the reig-n of terror 
were repeated, to torture them with solicitude for 
Trance and all they cherished upon her soil. As 
they entered the loathsome vault, they were told to 
bid adieu for ever to the world. 

Here they lived and suffered for a year. IsTo ray 
of comfort was permitted to play upon the cold pave- 
ment, nor hope of deliverance to illume the fu- 
ture. Desolate and despairing, they lay; the only 
news from the outward world was such as would aug- 
ment their misery. Frederic William occasion- 
ally sent to learn if their sufferings were sufficiently 
intense, and then found pastime in new acts of fiend- 
ish despotism. Despairing of making them yield, 
and fearing that the peace which he was concluding 
with France would require the surrender of Lafay- 
ette, he caused him, with Maulbourg and de Puzy, 
to be transferred to the Austrians. Austria was 
ready to perfect what her neighbor had begun. The 
darkness which rested upon her ; — the despotism 
which reigned in every part of her dominions; — the 
brutalizing system of serfdom ; — the narrow mind- 
edness and bigotry which prevailed in her councils, 
and guided her whole policy, fitted her for the work 
of torturing Lafayette, as the same admirable traits 
qualified her, in later times, to crush Hungary and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 295 

break the heart of Kossuth ; and which had their im- 
personation in Haynan.* 

Olmutz was selected by Austria for the prisoners, 
and they were carried thither. " Though placed 
within the same castle, and occupying cells in the 
same corridor, the friends were as completely 
guarded against all intercourse with each other, and 
all knowledge of each other's condition, as if an 
ocean or a continent separated them. As they en- 
tered their cells, it was declared to each of them, that 
they would never come out of them alive, — that they 
would never see any thing but what was enclosed 
within the four walls of their respective cells, — that 
they would hold no communication with the outer 
world, nor receive any kind of information of per- 
sons or things there, — that their jailers were even 
prohibited from pronouncing their names, — that in 
the prison reports and government dispatches, they 
would be referred to only by the number of their 
cells — that they would never be suffered to learn 
any thing of the situation of their families, or even 
to know of each other's existence ; — and, that, as 
such a situation of hopeless confinement would nat- 
urally incite to suicide, knives and forks, and all 
other instruments by which they might do violence 
to themselves, would be henceforth withheld from 
them." 

This was Austria's improvement upon the cruel- 
ties at Magdeburg, The walls of his dungeon were 

* Haynau (1786-1853) was an Austrian general notorious 
for his cruelty. 



296 LIFE OF GENERAL 

twelve feet thick, and the only mode of either en- 
trance or egress, was through two doors, one of 
iron, the other of wood, nearly two feet thick; both 
of which were covered with bolts and bars. Into the 
cell the air was admitted only through an opening 
in the walls two feet square, secured at each end by 
transverse massive iron bars. Without, and direct- 
ly under this loop hole, was a broad ditch, covered 
with water only when it rained, at other times con- 
stantly sending forth a poisonous effluvium from its 
stagnant pools. The dimensions of his room were 
eight or ten paces deep, by six or eight wide, and its 
whole furniture consisted of an old worm-eaten table, 
a broken chair, and a bed of rotten straw filled with 
vermin. A miserable allowance was brought to him 
twice a day, with which to eke out his loathsome 
existence; books were almost wholly excluded, and 
without a voice to greet his ear save the gruff tones 
of the jailer, life, bitter life, wore away. 

He whose name was written so deeply upon the 
hearts of two nations, was not forgotten. The news 
of his imprisonment spread wherever he was known 
— and where was he not known ? In the United 
States grief attended the tidings. The people of 
this country had watched with profound interest his 
course during the French struggle, and had felt an 
affectionate pride in seeing that the dawn of liberty, 
which had risen to noontide upon their broad land, 
was brightening around him in his native Gaul. 
Sympathy was elicited in his behalf, and efforts put 
forth to obtain his release. It did not become a free 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 297 

people to remain inactive while the form which 
" rode on the battle's edge " for them, was pining 
under the weight of fetters. While Lafayette was at 
Magdeburg, the American minister in France, learn- 
ing that he was in need of money, took the responsi- 
bility of directing the banker of the United States, 
at Hamburg, to advance him ten thousand florins ;* 
an act which Congress afterwards ratified, under the 
head of military compensation. The condition of 
the Marquis stirred the spirit of Washington. His 
private feelings urged him to take every step to lib- 
erate his friend, while his public duty, as the Presi- 
dent of a neutral nation, forbade him to interfere. 
With pain he was compelled to refuse, for friend- 
ship, to compromise his public duty. But while, as 
President, he maintained the neutrality of the na- 
tion, as a man his influence went strongly for the 
Marquis' release. " I need hardly mention," he 
wrote to Mr. Pinckney, then in Europe, " how much 
my sensibility has been hurt by the treatment this 
gentleman has met with, or how anxious I am to see 
him liberated therefrom ; but what course to pursue, 
as most likely and proper to aid the measure, is not 
quite so easy to decide on. As President of the Uni- 
ted States, there must not be a commitment of the 
government by any interference of mine ; and it is no 
easy matter, in a transaction of this nature, for a 
public character to assume the garb of a private citi- 
zen, in a case that does not relate to himself. Yet 
such is my wish to contribute my mite to accomplish 
* The florin of the Netherlands was worth about forty cents. 



298 LIFE OF GENERAL 

that desirable object, that I have no objection to its 
being made known to the Imperial ambassador, in 
London, who, if he thinks proper, may communicate 
it to his court, that this event is an ardent wish of 
the people of the United States, to which I sincerely 
add mine. The time, the manner, and even the 
measure itself, I leave to your discretion ; as circum- 
stances, and every matter which concerns this gentle- 
man, are better known on that than they are on 
this side of the Atlantic." 

To the Emperor of Germany, General Washing- 
ton also wrote as follows: 

" It will readily occur to your majesty, that occa- 
sions may sometimes exist, on which official consider- 
ations would constrain the chief of a nation to be si- 
lent and passive, in relation even to objects which 
affect his sensibility, and claim his interposition as 
a man. Finding myself precisely in this situation at 
present, I take the liberty of writing this private 
letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my mo- 
tives will also be my apology for it. 

" In common with the people of this country, I 
retain a strong and cordial sense of the services ren- 
dered to them by the Marquis de Lafayette ; and my 
friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It 
is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with 
him and his family in their misfortunes, and en- 
deavor to mitigate the calamities which they exper- 
ience; among which, his present confinement is not 
the least distressing. 

" I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 299 

Permit me only to submit to your majesty's consid- 
eration whether his long imprisonment, and the con- 
fiscation of his estates, and the indigence and dis- 
persion of his family, and the painful anxieties in- 
cident to all these circumstances, do not form an as- 
semblage of suffering which recommend him to the 
mediation of humanity ? Allow me, sir, on this oc- 
casion to be its organ ; and to entreat, that he may be 
permitted to come to this country, on such conditions 
and under such restrictions, as your majesty may 
think it expedient to prescribe. 

" As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under 
similar circumstances, I would not grant, your ma- 
jesty will do me the justice to believe, that this re- 
quest appears to me to correspond to those great prin- 
ciples of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the 
basis of sound policy and durable glory. 

" May the Almighty and Merciful Sovereign of 
the universe keep your majesty under his protection 
and guidance." 

But not only in America, in Europe also, there 
were similar demonstrations. In the British House 
of Parliament, Wilberforce, and Fox, and Sheridan, 
were active in his behalf. A number of the leading 
papers in London and Hamburg, commenced a series 
of articles, exposing in the most cutting language, 
the infamous conduct of Prussia and Austria, to the 
scorn of all Europe. Their perfidy in detaining a 
prisoner, contrary to the rights of nations and of hu- 
manity, was condemned with an indignant eloquence 
and a scathing sarcasm, which goaded the tyrants, 
till they spoke in their own defense. They declare^ 



300 LIFE OF GENERAL 

that Lafayette's freedom was incompatible with the 
safety of the present governments of Europe; and 
this was the plausible apology for inquisitorial cruel- 
ties. Though France indirectly caused his present 
calamities, she still possessed noble souls. Madame 
de Stael, with her characteristic energy, wrote upon 
the subject to Gouverneur Morris, who, after he was 
superseded as minister to France by Mr. Monroe, 
traveled through Germany and Austria, and in var- 
ious ways endeavored to procure the liberation of La- 
fayette. In her letter she says : — " What I have to 
ask of you is so much in accordance with your own 
feelings, that my letter will only repeat to you their 
dictates in poorer expressions. You are traveling 
through Germany, and, whether on a public mission 
or not, you have influence, for they are not so stupid 
as not to consult a man like you. Open the prison 
doors of M. de Lafayette. Pay the debt of your 
country. What greater service can any one render 
to his native land, than to discharge her obligations 
of gratitude? Is there any severer calamity, than 
that which has befallen Lafayette ? Does any more 
glaring injustice attract the attention of Europe ? 
I speak to you of glory, yet I know a more elevated 
sentiment is the motive of your conduct." * 

* The conduct of Mr. Morris is worthy of all praise. He 
not only spared no sacrifice for the Marquis, he also acted a 
magnanimous part towards his suffering family. To Madame 
de Lafayette, when she was confined Ijy order of the French 
authorities, to her residence in Chavagnac. he loaned from 
his private funds, one hundred thousand livres, and after- 
wards, when she was brought to Paris and imprisoned, it was 
through his intercession alone that liberty was restored. ' 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. gQl 

It was at this period that the virtues and heroic 
devotion of Madame de Lafayette shone conspicuous- 
ly forth. Naturally of a retiring and gentle dispo- 
sition, possessing all the attractions of female love- 
liness, she was better fitted for the quiet charm of the 
family circle than to move in the wider sphere which 
her rank required. History pours no clearer ra- 
diance upon female character ; possessing so gentle, 
so pure, yet strong affections, true modesty, unaf- 
fected simplicity and ingeniousness, combined with 
a discretion which could preserve her dignity and 
maintain a becoming reserve, consistent with the free- 
dom and confidence which distinguished her. When 
these calamities fell on her, breaking up her family 
circle and withering her domestic hopes, her friends 
expected to see her fall like a smitten flower. But 
like the blossom, bowed by dew drops of evening, 
she raised her head with a new strength derived 
from the visitation and the tears that fell shone in 
the radiance of her resignation and love, as dew 
glows in the light of the morning. While the sym- 
pathy of friends was unbounded she was called upon 
to act, and she nobly fulfilled her mission. To the 
Prussian monarch she addressed a petition whose 
every line portrayed, distinctly, the injustice he was 
committing. In that petition, she says, " He in 
whose favor I implore the mercy of your majesty, 
has never known crime. Faithful to his King, when 
he could no longer be of service to him he left 
France. At the moment when he was made prisoner 
lie was crossing the low country to take refuge in 



302 LIFE OF GENERAL 

America. He believed himself under protection of 
the law of nations, and he trusted to it with so much 
the more confidence, as the generous sentiments of 
your majesty were not unknown to him. I may, per- 
haps, be blind to the character of a beloved husband, 
but I cannot deceive myself in being persuaded that 
your majesty will grant the prayer of an unhappy 
woman." The agony, occasioned by her husband's 
imprisonment, was hardly increased by the evils 
which the French government added to her misfor- 
tunes. The feeling for his safety rose above all per- 
sonal considerations, and she seemed unaware of her 
danger as a victim of the Reign of Terror. He was 
in all her thoughts ; and she would have given her 
life, gladly, to save his. 

The following letter she wrote, in 1792, to Wash- 
ington. Describing the situation of Lafayette and 
herself, she thus pleads for them both. "He was 
taken by the troops of the Emperor, although the 
King of Prussia retains him a prisoner in his domin- 
ions. And while he suffers this inconceivable perse- 
cution from the enemies without, the faction which 
reigns within keeps me a hostage at one hundred and 
twenty leagues from the capital. Judge, then, at 
what distance I am from him. In this abyss of 
misery, the idea of owing to the United States and 
to Washington the life and liberty of M. de Lafay- 
ette, kindles a ray of hope in my heart. I hope every 
thing from the goodness of the people with whom he 
has set an example of that liberty of which he is now 
made the victim. And shall I dare speak what I hope ? 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 303 

I would ask of them, through you, for an envoy, who 
shall go to reclaim him in the name of the republic of 
the United States, wheresoever he may be found, and 
who shall be authorized to make, with the power in 
whose charge he may be placed, all necessary engage- 
ments for his relief, and for taking him to the 
United States, even if he is there to be guarded as 
a captive. If his wife and his children could be 
compromised in this mission, it is easy to judge how 
happy it would be for her and them, but, if this 
would, in the least degree, retard or embarrass the 
measure, we will defer still longer the happiness of 
a reiiniou. May heaven deign to bless the confidence 
with which it has inspired me. I hope my request is 
not a rash one. Accept the homage of the sentiments 
which have dictated this letter, as well as that of 
attachment and tender respect." 

It was exceedingly trying for Washington, to be 
unable to comply with that request. Public senti- 
ment in the United States was strong in favor of 
Madame Lafayette's suggestion, and the President 
had to resist both this and the full tide of his own 
emotions in sustaining the honor of the nation. He 
wrote to Madame Lafayette, kindly and tenderly, 
assuring her of his sympathy and stating that, while 
he could not commit his official character or involve 
the countr}^ in embarrassments, he would still do his 
utmost as a private individual, to procure a deliver- 
ance, which he desired ardently as herself. 

After Lafayette's last transfer, all knowledge of 
his place of confinement was excluded from big 



304 LIFE OF GENERAL 

friends. Austria meant that his existence should be 
strictly a living death. His friends, however, believed 
him to be yet alive, and did not pause in their endeav- 
ors to discover his dungeon. At length a generous and 
daring spirit assumed the task, both of finding where 
he was confined, and of rescuing him if possible. 
This was Dr. J. Erick Bollman, a young German 
physician, who had just received his degree of Doc- 
tor of Medicine from the University of Gottingen. 
Though personally unacquainted with Lafayette, he 
was an enthusiastic admirer of him, and had made 
several ineffectual attempts to save him from royal 
ferocity. ISTot disheartened, he sold his books to pro- 
cure means for his journey and set off for Hamburg. 
He was here introduced to a wealthy banker, by the 
name of Sieveking, who entered zealously into his 
plans, and advanced him money sufficient to carry 
them out. The following account * has been mainly 
taken and condensed from a narrative of his projects 
and adventures, as written by Dr. Bollman himself: 
Leaving Hamburg, he assumed the character of a 
traveler in pursuit of knowledge, and begun his wary 
and difficult enterprise. Traversing Germany, he 
learned that Lafayette, after having been surren- 
dered to the Austrian government, had been borne 
away on the route towards Olmutz. With this knowl- 
edge he selected, near the frontier, a place of tem- 
porary retreat, in case he should succeed in rescu- 
ing the captive ; and having made all necessary pre- 

* See Port Folio. Vol. XXII. We have made free use of this 
account, it being the best and most authentic one ever pub- 
lished. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 305 

liminary arrangements, proceeded on to Olmutz. 
The utmost caution was indispensable to success, for 
the Austrian police, at all times more vigilant than 
that of any country in Europe, was now unusually 
active. All direct inquiry respecting the object of 
the doctor's search would inevitably have been no- 
ticed, and led to a suspicion which would have de- 
stroyed his plans before they had attained the ma- 
turity of promise. 

Dr. Bollman acted with admirable care and circum- 
spection. He ascertained that several state prisoners 
were confined in the citadel of Olmutz, under a mys- 
tery which rendered it highly probable that Lafay- 
ette was among them. Acting upon this supposition, 
the doctor visited the hospital and sought an ac- 
quaintance with the first surgeon, rightly judging 
from reports which he had gathered respecting the 
health of the captives, that this officer must be in the 
habit of attending upon them. 

The surgeon proved to be an upright man, of good 
sense and feeling. The acquaintance seemed to be 
mutually agreeable, and after several interviews, 
when the conversation turned on the effect of moral 
impressions on the constitution. Dr. Bollman, who 
had skillfully guided to this issue, abruptly drew a 
pamphlet from his pocket and remarked : — " Since 
we are on the subject, you attend to the state prison- 
ers here, Lafayette is among them, and his health 
is much impaired. Show him this pamphlet. Tell 
him a traveler left it with you, who lately saw, in 
London, all the persons named in it, his particular 
20 



306 lilFE OF GENEEAL 

friends; — that they are well, and continue attached 
to him as much as ever. This intelligence will do 
him more good than all your drugs." — At the same 
moment, he laid the pamphlet on the table, and per- 
ceiving that the surgeon hardly knew what to reply, 
changed the conversation, and shortly left him. 

Thus far every thing had worked finely. The 
manner of the surgeon convinced Bollman that La- 
fayette was at Olmutz, and he well knew that if he 
should receive the pamphlet, he would devise means 
to improve the opportunity. Calling at the hospital 
as before, but without himself renewing the subject, 
in a few days, the surgeon mentioned to him of his 
own accord, that he had given the pamphlet to La- 
fayette, who wished to learn some further particu- 
lars respecting the situation of one or two of the 
individuals named in it. Upon hearing this, the doc- 
tor, appearing to have incidentally about him some 
white paper, but which, in fact, had been prepared 
for the emergency, sat immediately down and wrote 
a few lines in reply to the inquiries made, finishing 
with the sentence, — " I am glad of the opportunity 
of addressing you these words, which, when read 
with your usual warmthj, will aiford to a heart like 
yours, some consolation." The paper had been pre- 
viously written over with sympathetic ink, and the 
italicized words were a sufficient hint to the quick- 
minded Lafayette. Applying heat to the paper, he 
read with a throbbing heart, its secret language, and 
learned that there was a great soul near him, who 
was ready to imperil every thing to effect his escape, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 307 

The method by which this could be done, could only 
be pointed out by the prisoner, and with hope again 
awakening his energies, he sat down to fix on a plan, 
and communicate it to his generous friend outside. 

To guard against suspicion, Dr. Bollman, on the 
day following this, left Olmutz and proceeded to Vi- 
enna, where he remained a considerable time, but 
confiding his design to no person whatever. Here he 
had a carriage constructed, in which were contrived 
convenient places for conveying, secretly, a variety of 
articles, such as rope-ladders, cords, and tools for 
cutting iron bars, and for similar purposes. These 
general preparations being made, he visited several 
gentlemen on their estates in Moravia, and took an 
opportunity of again touching at Olmutz, where he 
called on the surgeon, who returned him the pam- 
phlet formerly left for Lafayette. On examining it, 
he found to his inexpressible joy, that the margin 
had been written over with sympathetic ink; from 
which he learned that the captive, on account of his 
enfeebled state of health, had at length obtained per- 
mission to take an airing, on certain days, in a car- 
riage, accompanied by a military guard ; and that 
the best and easiest mode to restore him to liberty, 
would be to attack the guard on one of these excur- 
sions. 

All this was satisfactory to Dr. Bollman, and hav- 
ing ascertained for his guidance, that Lafayette, in 
taking his ride, sat in an open carriage, with an 
officer by his side, a driver on the box, and two armed 
soldiers standing behind, he returned to Vienna to 



308 LIFE OF GENERAL 

complete his plans for this new phase in the adven- 
ture. As it was necessary to have at least one coad- 
jutor in the undertaking, he fixed upon a kindred 
spirit, one predisposed in all his sympathies to favor 
the bold measure which he contemplated. This was 
Francis Kinlock Huger, the son of Col. Huger, of 
South Carolina, at whose house Lafayette first 
lodged when he landed in America.* He was a 
young man of uncommon talent, decision and enthu- 
siasm ; who entered into the whole plan, and«devoted 
himself to its execution with the most romantic ear- 
nestness. 

Having agreed upon a mode, they publicly an- 
nounced their intention of returning to England to- 
gether. Two saddle horses were purchased, and 
engaging a steady groom to attend them, they set 
out on their journey. Thus, sometimes sending the 
groom a station or two forward with the carriage; 
at others, leaving him to bring up the horses slowly, 
while they pushed onward in the carriage, they ar- 
rived at Olmutz. 

These two were the only persons on the continent, 
except Lafayette himself, who had the slightest sus- 
picion of any arrangements for his liberation, and 
neither of them knew him by sight. When they 
reached Olmutz, the doctor immediately visited the 
surgeon, and, knowing the day when the captive was 
to take his ride, mentioned to him the same day as 
the one on which he intended to continue his jour- 
ney. On that day, ISTov. 8th, 1794, the groom was 

* See p. 21. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 309 

dispatched, at an early hour, to Hoff, a post town 
about twenty-five miles distant, with orders to have 
fresh horses in readiness at four o'clock. As nei- 
ther of the parties knew the other, it had been con- 
certed between them, that, to avoid all mistakes, 
when the rescue should be attempted, each should 
take off his hat and wipe his forehead in token of 
recognition. 

Their horses were now ready at the inn, and Mr. 
Huger feigned some business near the town gate, in 
order to watch the moment when the carriage should 
pass. As soon as he saw it, he hastened back to the 
inn and communicated the news to the Doctor. The 
two then mounted, followed the carriage at some dis- 
tance, armed with a pair of pistols, and those not 
loaded with ball. Their success was to depend upon 
the surprise, as, under the circumstances of the case, 
they considered that it would be not only unjustifi- 
able, but useless and imprudent, to take any person's 
life. 

At length they quickened their pace and rode past 
the carriage, and then, slackening, allowed it again 
to go ahead, while they seized the opportunity as it 
was passing, to exchange signals with the prisoner. 
At two or three miles from the gate, the carriage 
left the high road and passed into a less frequented 
tract in the midst of an open country. Every mo- 
tion was now watched by the two horsemen, with 
the intensest interest. Presently the carriage 
stopped, and Lafayette and the officer got out and 
walked, arm and arm, to give the former opportu- 



310 LIFE OF GENERAL 

nity for exercise. The carriage with the guard drove 
slowly on, but remained in sight. This was evi- 
dently the time for the attempt, and galloping up, 
the doctor threw the reins of his horse to Tluger, and 
instantly sprang to the ground by the side of the offi- 
cer and Lafayette. At the same moment the latter 
seized hold of the officer's sword, but before he could 
draw it from the scabbard, the officer had seized it 
also, and the scuffle began. Bollman sprang upon 
the officer, who had caught hold of Lafayette, and, 
in the melee which ensued, the three came together 
to the ground, the officer roaring as loudly as he 
could for help, and the guard, on hearing it, instead 
of coming to his assistance, fleeing to alarm the cita- 
del. Huger, passing the bridles of the two horses 
over one arm, with his other hand thrust his hand- 
kerchief into the officer's mouth to stop his noise, 
and Bollman kneeling upon him, managed to keep 
him to the ground, while Lafayette extricating him- 
self from his grasp, sprang to his feet once more a 
free man. 

Thus far all had gone admirably, and would now 
have resulted well, but one of the horses taking 
fright at the scene and noise, had reared, slipped his 
bridle and ran off. The doctor, still keeping down 
the officer, handed a purse to Lafayette and bade 
him mount the remaining horse and save himself 
now by flight. Huger told him in English to go to 
Ho-ff, but he, mistaking what was said to him for 
a more general direction to go off, delayed a moment 
to see if he could not assist them — then went on — then 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 311 

rode back, still unwilling to leave them, and finally, 
urged anew, galloped away and was out of sight in 
a minute. 

As soon as this was accomplished, the two heroes 
left the officer without further violence, and recov- 
ering the horse which had escaped, they both 
mounted him, intending to follow and assist Lafay- 
ette. But this animal, less docile and attractable 
than the other, which had been trained to carry two 
persons, refused to perform this task, reared, bound- 
ed, and presently threw both. Huger imme- 
diately exclaimed, " This will never do! The Mar- 
quis wants you. Take the horse, therefore, and push 
on, and I will take my chance on foot across the 
country." The doctor did so, but Huger, who now 
had little chance of escape, was soon seized by the 
peasants, who had witnessed the scene, and con- 
ducted back to Olmutz. These accidents defeated 
tlie design, wisely planned, and so far as they could 
foresee results, judiciously and prudently attempted. 

Dr. Bollman easily arrived at Hoff; but not find- 
ing Lafayette there, and being anxious to receive 
some intelligence of him, although he might readily 
have secured himself by proceeding to Tarnowitz, 
lingered about the frontiers, till the next night, when 
he, too, was arrested, by order of the Prussian au- 
thority, at the requisition of Austria. 

Lafayette remained unpursued. He had taken a 
wrong road, which led to JagerscloiT, a place on the 
Prussian frontier, and followed it as long as his 
horse could proceed. He was within a few miles of 



312 LIFE OF GENERAL 

the boundary of Austrian rule, and perceiving that 
his horse could go no further, he accosted a peasant, 
whom he overtook on the road, not far from the vil- 
lage, and under some pretext, offered him money if 
he would procure him another horse and attend him 
to the frontier. The man apparently agreed, and 
went to the village for the horse, though his suspi- 
cion was awakened by the appearance of the stran- 
ger. He promptly returned, but he came with a 
force which arrested the astonished fugitive, and de- 
spite his entreaties and offers of gold, he was led 
into the village, carried before a magistrate, recog- 
nized by an officer from Olmutz, and before three 
short days of liberty had gladdened his heart, he 
was loaded with chains, and carried back to his dun- 
geon with little hope now that his obscure and igno- 
minious sufferings could be terminated except by 
death. Bollman and Huger, after having endured 
the harshest treatment and strictest confinement, for 
over eight months, were at length liberated through 
the powerful intercession of an Austrian nobleman, 
a personal friend of the former. 

The Marquis found, in the treatment to which he 
was subjected, that he had not yet been permitted to 
conceive the extent of that cruelty which despotism 
was able to inflict. " The irons were so closely fas- 
tened around his ankles, that for three months he 
endured the most excruciating torture. During the 
winter 1794-5, which was extremely severe, he was 
reduced almost to the last extremity by a violent 
fever, and, yet, was deprived of proper attendance, 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 313 

of air, of suitable food, and of decent clothes. In 
this state he was allowed nothing for his bed but a 
little damp and moldy straw, and was closely con- 
fined by a chain around his waist, which was fas- 
tened to the wall, and barely permitted him to turn 
from one side to the other. 'No light was admitted 
into his cell, and he was even refused the smallest 
allowance of linen. Worn down by disease and the 
rigor of the season, he became miserably emaciated. 

" To increase his miseries, almost insupportable 
mental anxieties were added to his physical dis- 
tresses. He was made to believe that he was only 
reserved for a public execution, and that his chival- 
rous deliverers had already perished on the scaffold ; 
while, at the same time, he was not permitted to 
know whether his family were still alive, or had 
fallen under the revolutionary axe, of which, during 
the few days he was out of his dungeon, he had heard 
such appalling accounts." 

The attempted rescue, though unsuccessful in its 
immediate result, was yet productive of beneficial ef- 
fects. It gave to Europe and the world a clue to 
the place of his confinement, and, consequently, 
added definiteness and vigor to the plans which were 
already maturing for his deliverance. It stirred 
anew the heart of his devoted wife, who, as soon as 
she was free from the restraints imposed by the ter- 
rorists, determined to present her plea, in person, be- 
fore the Emperor of Austria, strong in the faith of 
affection that her petition could not be denied, when 
urged with all the arguments of her woman's love. 



314 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Sending her son George to America, to the care of 
Washington, and assuming for herself the name of 
Mrs. Mortier, she set out for Vienna, with American 
passports, and accompanied by her two daughters, in 
disguise. Anastasia, the elder of these, was then six- 
teen, and Virginia, the younger, thirteen years of 
age. 

The Emperor before whom she presented her re- 
quest was Francis I., a nephew of the unfortunate 
Marie Antoinette, who possessed, in addition to the 
prejudice growing out of his position, the hostility 
to Lafayette which had been cherished by the ill- 
fated Queen of France. It was, therefore, with no 
willing ear that he listened to the petition, although 
pressed with a force and eloquence which none could 
use but a wife pleading for the husband of her youth. 
He told her that his " hands were tied," so that he 
could not liberate him ; but, at length, moved by her 
entreaties, he granted her request that herself and 
daughters might be permitted to share his terrible 
captivity. In order to yield as little as possible, this 
permission was itself made as near a prohibition as 
the nature of the case would admit. They were as- 
sured, that if they entered the prison they could 
never come out alive, and that if they went they 
were to leave behind them every thing which could 
in the least degree minister to their comfort, by alle- 
viating the woe which must reign unbroken within 
the walls of an Austrian dungeon. 

Harsh as these provisions were, and well calcu- 
lated as they must have been to deter ladies accus- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 315 

tomed to all the refinements and luxuries of life, 
they were still accepted without hesitation. The 
cold bosom of the Emperor thrilled with a new sym- 
pathy as these brave spirits left his presence, volun- 
tarily to shut themselves out from the world and as- 
sume the horrors of a hopeless captivity, for the sake 
of mitigating another's sorrows. Touched with re- 
gret, it is possible that even then he would have 
given orders for the release of Lafayette, had it not 
been as he himself said, that his " hands were tied." 
We shall make no attempt to picture the meeting 
which took place between Lafayette and his wife and 
daughters. Imagination can better furnish the scene 
than words describe it. Those dungeon walls never 
rung to such melody, as when the dearest objects of 
earthly love greeted the lonely captive in his cell. Joy, 
pure and hallowed, was the first emotion, and the 
prison became a palace in that outgiish of emotion 
which flowed from reciprocal sympathy and affec- 
tion. What was either prison or palace, in such a 
moment, to them ? 

The complicated horrors and sufferings of their 
loathsome confinement, were too much for the deli- 
cate frame of Madame de Lafayette, already worn 
down by previous suffering and anxiety. Yet, for 
sixteen months, she endured it all cheerfully, adher- 
ing firmly to her resolution to perish, if she must, by 
her husband's side. Her gradual emaciation and 
gi'owing feebleness were not, however, unnoticed by 
the fond eye of him whom she had come to bless, 
and, alarmed for her safety, he urged her to write 



316 LIFE OF GENERAL 

to the Emperor, and petition for an egress of at 
least two weeks from the prison, that she might 
breathe a purer air and obtain that medical assis- 
tance her sinking health so urgently demanded. 
This she at length did, and then waited for two 
months longer before a reply was deigned to her sim- 
ple and humble request. It was a matter of grave 
consultation among the lords at Vienna, how they 
might answer in the keenest form of cruelty, the pe- 
tition of a suffering and a pure-minded woman, whose 
only crime was that she was the wife of Lafayette 
and shared in the hatred which her husband felt to 
oppression. After due deliberation, it was deter- 
mined with a refinement of brutality, that her re- 
quest should be granted on condition that she should 
never appear in the capital nor return to the prison. 
Was this former provision adopted because they felt 
that they would be ashamed to meet her afterwards ? 

These conditions Madame de Lafayette spurned as 
indignantly as she would their authors. She told the 
officer who laid them before her, that rather than 
leave the prison on such terms, she would remain 
there even should she be called to die in the loathe- 
someness of her captivity. An answer being re- 
quired in writing, she seized a pen and wrote the 
following resolve, every line of which illustrates the 
truth of Madame de Stael's remark, that " the his- 
tory of female virtue and female heroism presents 
nothing more rare in excellence, than the life and 
character of Madame de Lafayette." 

" I owed it to my family and my friends, to ask 
the assistance necessary for my health; — but they 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 317 

know that the conditions attached to it cannot be ac- 
cepted by me. I never can forget that, while we 
were both on the point of perishing — I by the tyran- 
ny of Robespierre, my husband by the physical and 
moral sufferings of his captivity — I was not per- 
mitted to receive any news of him, nor he to learn 
that his children and I still existed. I will not ex- 
pose myself to the horrors of a new separation. 
Whatever may be the state of my health, or the in- 
convenience of this residence to my daughters, we 
shall gratefully avail ourselves of his imperial ma- 
jesty's goodness in permitting us to share my hus- 
band's captivity in all its details. Noailles La- 
fayette. 

Xo complaint afterwards fell from the lips of this 
heroic woman, and no further trial made by the suf- 
ferers to escape the privations which were drawing 
their curtain of gloom fearfully around them. Sad 
enough was their lot, but it was better than separa- 
tion and endured without a murmur. To aggravate 
their sorrow, the two daughters were guarded in 
separate dungeons, for sixteen hours of each day, and 
the eight hours which the family were allowed to 
spend together, were liable to constant interruptions 
by the busy interference of the functionaries of the 
prison. The clothes of the captives were only par- 
tially allowed renewal, though worn, tattered and fil- 
thy ; — their food was barely enough to satisfy hun- 
ger, and of the coarsest kind; — the air which they 
breathed was noxious with efifluvia ; the light of 
heaven was rarely permitted to cheer the dreary 



318 LIFE OF GENERAL 

archway around them ; — and thus the weary months 
passed away, increasing in horror by the infernal 
skill of the jailers who devised new methods of heart- 
less persecution. 

But Providence had not determined that Lafay- 
ette and his family should perish so. Austria could 
spurn the entreaties of America, and England, and 
France ; she could frown at the words of reproach 
repeated over the continent, but she quailed when the 
tidings of ISTapoleon's vast designs and victorious ca- 
reer, sent alarm through her imperial chambers; she 
heard the voice of " the conqueror of Italy " in men- 
acing tones. Her Italian provinces were snatched 
from her grasp almost before she knew that they 
were endangered, and with her power humbled, she 
saw the victorious feet of the hero of Lodi * steadily 
encroaching on her domains. Her generals were un- 
able to stand before him, and, after defeats and dis- 
asters had followed in rapid succession, her armies 
put to rout, and her fair possessions disappearing, 
she was at lengih compelled to sue for peace. Negotia- 
tions were opened at Leoben, but the triumphant ISTa- 
poleon would grant no peace until Austria had set at 
liberty every foreign prisoner confined for political 
offences. It was expressly stipulated by Bonaparte, 
that the dungeon doors of Olmutz should be opened 
to Lafayette and his companions in captivity. The lan- 

*The battle of Lodi, near Milan, Italy, was fought May 10, 
1796. Tlie French, under Napoleon, " the little corporal." 
won a TJctory over the Austrians. The battle, which was 
hotly contested, came to be known as " the terrible passage 
of the bridge of Lodi," and was followed by the capture of 
Milan. 



Marquis de lafayette. 319 

giiage of Bonaparte was such as could not be mis- 
understood, and she dared not refuse, though for a 
long time she evaded the point, and sought to do so 
wholly by other concessions. But Kapoleon had 
made his demands from which nothing could induce 
him to yield. He told the Austrian envoys, who met 
him at Leoben, that the release of Lafayette and his 
companions must be granted, and bade them signify 
to the cabinet at Vienna, " that the speedy liberation 
of the prisoners at Olmutz, was the most unequivo- 
cal pledge which his imperial majesty could give to 
the French republic, of his desire to bring to a happy 
issue a negotiation that essentially interested the 
welfare of both nations, and the tranquillity of Eu- 
rope." As the commissioners still equivocated and 
delayed, Bonaparte, losing his temper one day, seiz- 
ing a valuable tea service, which stood upon the side- 
board, and which had been presented by the Empress 
Catherine to one of the commissioners, dashed it 
upon the floor before them, exclaiming, " War is de- 
clared, but remember, that in less than three months 
I will demolish your monarchy as I dash in pieces 
this porcelain." It was enough ; the treaty was 
signed, and the Austrian government was bound, 
upon national faith, to set the prisoners free.* 
On the 23d of September, 1797, Lafayette, after an 

* Austria was unwilling to acknowledge even then that she 
had been forced to submission. It was a remark of one of her 
ministers. Baron Thugut, that "Lafayette was not liberated 
at the instance of France, bnt merely to show the Emperor's 
consideration for the United States of America." The influ- 
ence of the American President may have had its weight, and 
if so. — as another has remarked, — it is not a little singular 
that his release should have been effected by the co-operation 



320 LIFE OF GENERAL 

imprisonment of over five years, and his wife and 
daughters, after having been confined with him for 
twenty-two months, were allowed again to look upon 
the light and breathe once more the pure air of 
heaven. An officer awaited them at the gates to es- 
cort them to Hamburg, where they were to receive 
their formal discharge from John Parish, Esq., the 
worthy American consul, who had long been devoted 
to their escape. Their reception in Hamburg is re- 
lated by Mr. Parish himself. 

" The Marquis' departure from Olmutz was noti- 
fied to M. de Boul and myself, and I concerted meas- 
ures for his being delivered over to me in my own 
house. Every thing was so arranged as to have the 
ceremony performed as quickly and secretly as possi- 
ble, and the 4th of October was fixed for this recep- 
tion. Mr. Morris and I dined that day with the 
minister Baron de Boul. I left them at four o'clock, 
in order to be at home when they arrived. An im- 
mense crowd of people announced their arrival. The 
streets were lined, and my house was soon filled with 
them. A lane was formed to let the prisoners pass 
to my room. Lafayette led the way and was fol- 
lowed by his infirm lady and two daughters. He 
flew into my arms ; his wife and daughters clung to 
me. A silence, an expressive silence, took place. It 
was broken by an exclamation of, ' my friend ! my 
dearest friend! my deliverer! See the work of your 
generosity ! My poor, poor wife, hardly; able to sup- 

of the two most conspicuous men of their age, one the founder 
of a republio, the other of a despotism— George Washington 
and Napoleon Bonaparte. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 321 

port herself ! ' And, indeed, she was not standing, 
but hanging on my arm, imbued with tears, while 
her two lovely girls had hold of the other. The scene 
was extremely affecting and I was very much agitated. 
The room was full and I am sure there was not a 
dry eye in it. I placed the Marchioness on a sofa; 
she sobbed and wept much, and could utter but few 
words. Again the Marquis came to my arms, his 
heart overflowing with gratitude. I never saw a 
man in such complete ecstacy of body and mind. He 
is a handsome man, in the prime of life, and seemed 
to have suffered but little from his confinement. It 
required a good quarter of an hour to compose him. 

" In the midst of this scene the minister joined us. 
I introduced the Marquis and his family to him, 
and then requested that the ceremony about to be 
performed, might be in a private room, and desired 
that the rest of the company might remain where 
they were. 

" The minister, and his secretary, with the officer 
of the escort, Mr. Morris and the prisoner, retired 
with me to an inner apartment, where M. de Boul, 
after a very handsome address to the prisoner, stated 
the particular satisfaction he had in delivering him 
over to a friend who loved and respected him so 
much. He then addressed me, and after some flat- 
tering compliments, reminded me of my engagement 
to the Emperor, to have the Marquis removed out 
of Germany in ten days, which I again promised to 
fulfill, when he told Lafayette that he was now com- 
pletely restored to liberty." 
21 



322 l^IFE OF GENERAL 



CHAPTER X. 

The first act of Lafayette after his release was to 
obey the dictates of a grateful heart by writing and 
expressing his cordial acknowledgments to those 
who had so generously aided in his restoration. His 
next step was to procure a temporary retreat, where 
the sinking health of Madame de Lafayette might be 
restored, and which should be a home till the shores 
of his own native land should again welcome his foot- 
steps. The terms of release implied, as we have 
seen, that he should leave the Austrian jurisdiction 
within ten days; and as the Directory had not yet 
invited him to return, he was compelled to select his 
residence upon neutral ground; accordingly Hol- 
stein a dependency of the King of Denmark, was 
chosen. In this territory, at the little town of Wel- 
moldt, he enjoyed relaxation and repose. His own 
patrimony had been confiscated, but he was now re- 
lieved from pecuniary embarrassment by a bequest 
of four thousand pounds which had been made him 
by two English ladies as a token of their sympathy. 
With his son George, returned from America, his 
family circle was complete, and two years of uninter- 
rupted pleasure glided by at Welmoldt. His time 
was occupied partly with agriculture, partly with 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 323 

literature and general science, and partly in arrang- 
ing his " Historical Fragments," embracing the po- 
litical incidents and events of his past life. From 
the agitations which were still rocking Europe and 
which Napoleon was beginning to guide, he kept stu- 
diously aloof. He desired to quit European politics, 
at least for a time, and if it could be, to revisit Amer- 
ica and take up his abode among the people of his 
early fame and affection. He communicated his 
wishes to Washington, but was dissuaded from im- 
mediate action on account of difficulties of a serious 
and delicate nature which had just arisen between 
the French Directory and the government of the 
United States. 

In the year 1799 the Batavian Republic,* in grat- 
itude for his services rendered in 1787, sent him a 
formal invitation to visit that state, which he ac- 
cepted ; and soon after left Holstein for Utrecht. He 
was here received with marked attention. The gov- 
ernment and citizens conspired to render him the 
full tribute of their grateful affection ; and in renew- 
ing his intercourse with many of his former friends 
whom he now met, he began to feel that his manacles 
were removed. Still he was not at home. Amid the 
delights with which he was surrounded, he was yet 
an exile. The French Directory still refused to erase 
his name from the list of the proscribed, and France 
was therefore shut against him. Germany was for- 
bidden ground. He could not return to Holstein, for 

* This republic, formed by France out of the Netherlands in 
1795, ceased to exist in 1806. 



324 LIFE OF GENERAL 

Russia was just then meditating an invasion of that 
province. His way was not yet clear to America. 
England, though she might not forbid him a refuge, 
could not afford him a hospitable reception. As ho 
had before written when confined at Magdeburg; 
" To the dangers of an escape from these barriers, 
guards and chains, are added those of a flight 
through the enemy's country, and an asylum. From 
Constantinople to Lisbon, from Kamschatka to Am- 
sterdam, (for I am not in favor with the house of 
Orange,) only bastiles await me. The forests of the 
Hurons and the Iroquois are peopled with my friends. 
The despots of Europe and their courts, are savages 
to me. Though I am not beloved at St, James, that 
is a nation of laws ; but I would avoid a country at 
war with my own." 

In the latter part of the year 1799, occurred those 
memorable events in Paris which overthrew the gov- 
ernment of the Directory ; established the Consulate, 
and placed the victorious l^apoleon at the head of 
affairs in the Kepublic. Though he had secured the 
freedom of Lafayette, he was averse to his return- 
ing, aware that his own aspirations and plans could 
never harmonize with those of so earnest a patriot. 
The Marquis, unsuccessful in his applications, sus- 
pected that all was not right in Bonaparte's professions 
of attachment either to freedom or himself. Sensible 
of the obligations which he owed to ISTapoleon, he did 
not suffer his gratitude to blind his mind or delude 
his heart. As soon as he heard at Utrecht that the 
Directory was no more, he made a decisive stroke to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 325 

regain his privilege. Before the first Consul could 
have time to take action upon his case ; before the 
joy of the people over the silent guillotine and de- 
throned Robespierre, could have subsided, he deter- 
mined to appear in Paris and demand in person the 
restoration of his citizenship. Arriving at Paris he 
immediately announced his arrival in the following 
note to Napoleon. 

" From the day when the prisoners of Olmutz 
owed their liberty to you, to this when the liberty of 
my country lays me under still greater obligations 
to you, I have thought that the continuance of my 
proscription was not expedient for the government, 
or for myself. Accordingly, I am now in Paris. 
Before going into the country, where I shall meet 
my family — before even seeing my friends here, I 
delay not a moment to address myself to you; not 
that I doubt that I am in my appropriate place, 
wherever the republic is founded upon worthy bases, 
but because both my duty and my feelings prompt 
me to bear to you in person the expression of my 
gratitude." 

Bonaparte was taken completely by surprise. The 
" man of the people " had outgeneralled the " con- 
queror of Italy." He could not outwardly express 
dissatisfaction, for he had just sworn to be faithful 
to those principles which the whole life of Lafayette 
had illustrated. To refuse the claim would be di- 
rectly'' hostile to his professions, while to admit it, 
would be to subject all his actions to the surveillance 
of a man whose presence he feared. In the first few 



32<5 LIFE OF GENERAL 

interviews between them, Lafayette and Bonaparte 
understood each other perfectly, though the latter 
endeavored to gloss over his ambitious aspirations. 
Lafayette abhorred dissimulation, and was perfectly 
frank in the expressions of his opinions. Soon as he 
learned those of the Consul, he did not hesitate to 
denounce them to his face. He admired ISTa- 
poleon's military glory but shrank with disgust 
from the selfish, lawless passion for fame that 
reigned in the citadel of his soul. The hom- 
age which he felt for his resplendent genius, did 
not so dazzle him as to prevent him from discovering 
his vast designs. While Lafayette's request was un- 
answered, the two held long and frequent conver- 
sations upon the interests of the country ; but no 
sooner was it received than it became equally agree- 
able to them both, that the Marquis should leave 
Paris for the comparative obscurity of country life. 
La Grange, an inheritance of Madame de Lafayette, 
which had been confiscated during the Revolution, 
was now restored by order of the new government, 
of its original possessors. It was a beautiful estate, 
comprising about a thousand acres, situated in the 
fertile district of La Brie, about forty miles east of 
Paris. 

At this delightful retreat, the family of Lafayette 
became once more united upon their native soil. Se- 
cluding himself from political strife, and, with a 
spirit which the dungeons of Olmutz had not tamed, 
refusing inflexibly to bow before imperial authority, 
he gave himself exclusively to the endearments of do- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 327 

mestic life, and the pursuits of literature and science. 
Napoleon, who would have gained his adherence, 
plied every means at his command. He proffered 
him the dignity and emoluments of a membership in 
the new Senate which he was constituting, but as he 
could not accept this without appearing to lend sup- 
port to the government, it was absolutely declined. 
The post of ambassador to the United States was 
then offered him, but this he felt bound to refuse 
for very different reasons. He felt himself almost 
as much a citizen of America as of France, and he 
could not indulge the thought of going there as a 
stranger, to watch with a jealous eye over the rights 
of his own country. 

In 1802, he met at a dinner party Lord Cornwal- 
lis, the newly appointed British Minister to France, 
and in reply to his lordship's queries, he assured him 
that his attachment to freedom was firm and uncom- 
promising as ever. The conversation turning upon 
ISTapoleon's administration, and the question being 
asked Lafayette whether this was consonant to his 
ideas of liberty, he boldly replied that it was not. 
Court spies were not long in carrying this to Napo- 
leon, who was enraged. The next time they met, 
he did not conceal his resentment. " Lord Corn- 
wallis pretends," said he, " that you are not yet cor- 
rected." 

" Of what ? " demanded Lafayette, " of my love of 
liberty? What should disgust me with that? The 
extravagances and crimes of terrorist tyranny have 
only served to make me hate more heartily every 



828 LIFE OF GENERAL 

arbitrary regime, and attach myself more strongly 
to my principles." 

" But you have spoken to him of our affairs/' said 
the consul, without concealing his rage. 

" l^o one is further than myself," replied Lafay- 
ette, " from seeking a foreign ambassador to censure 
what is passing in my own country ; but if he ask me 
if this is liberty, I must answer, JSTo." 

" I must say to you. General Lafayette," said Bo- 
naparte, — " and I perceive it with pain, that, by 
your manner of speaking of the acts of the govern- 
ment you give its enemies the Aveight of your name." 

" What more can I do ? " was the firm reply, — " I 
live in the country in retirement, I avoid as far as 
I can, occasions of speaking of public affairs ; but 
when any one demands of me if your administration 
of the government is conformable to my ideas of 
liberty, I shall say that it is not. I wish to be pru- 
dent, hut I cannot he false." 

The towering ambition of ISTapoleon, not content 
with uncertain greatness, desired to have his office 
conferred upon him for life. The legislative body 
submitted the question to the people, who, dazzled by 
the splendor of ISTapoleon's military achievements, 
voted to sanction this appointment. When Lafayette 
was called upon to vote, he replied : " I cannot vote 
for such a magistracy, until public liberty has been 
sufficiently guaranteed. Then will I give my vote to 
iN'apoleon Bonaparte." In the following letter, 
dated La Grange, May 20th, 1802, he thus addressed 
the First Consul; 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 329 

" General, — When a man, penetrated with the 
gratitude which he owes yon, and too much alive to 
glory not to admire yonrs, has placed restrictions on 
his suffrage, those restrictions will be so much tho 
less suspected when it is known that none more than 
himself would delight to see you chief magistrate for 
life of a free republic. The 18th Brumaire saved 
France, and I felt that I was recalled by the liberal 
professions to which you have attached your honor. 
We afterwards beheld in the consular power that re- 
storative dictatorship, which, under the auspices of 
your genius, has achieved such great things, less great, 
however, than will be the restoration to liberty. It is 
impossible that you. General, the first in that order 
of men, (whom, to quote and compare it, would re- 
quire me to retrace every age of history,) can wish 
that such a revolution, so many victories, so much 
blood and miseries, should produce to the world and 
to ourselves no other results than an arbitrary sys- 
tem. The French people have too well known their 
rights to have entirely forgotten them. But per- 
haps they are better able to recover them now with 
advantage than in the heat of effervescence ; and you, 
by the power of your character and the public con- 
fidence ; by the superiority of your talents, your sit- 
uation, and your fortune, may, by reestablishing 
liberty, subdue our dangers and calm our inquie- 
tudes. I have no other than patriotic and personal 
motives in wishing for you, as the climax of our 
glory, a permanent magistrative post ; but it is in uni- 
ty with my principles, my engagements, the actions of 



330 LIFE OF GENERAL 

my whole life, to ascertain, before I vote, that liber- 
ty is established on bases worthy of the nation and of 
you. I hope yon will now acknowledge, General, 
as you have already had occasion to do, that to firm- 
ness in my political opinions are joined my sincere 
wishes for your welfare, and profound sentiments of 
my obligations to you." 

This memorable, manly and characteristic letter 
was never answered. ISTapoleon withdrew entirely 
from Lafayette and surrounded himself only with 
those advisers who would have no scruples in carry- 
ing forward his plans. All intercourse between them 
was suspended, and they did not meet again till 
after J^apoleon's sad reverses, in 1814, had taught 
him to feel the wisdom of those counsels once rash- 
Iv slighted. 

The years passed pleasantly by Lafayette; the 
world had not forgotten him, and by visiting him in 
his seclusion, or less directly, people of eminence 
manifested their appreciation of his worth. Many of 
the British wliigs who had nobly defended him in 
Parliament personally paid their respects to him at 
La Grange. A number of his friends from America 
went to see him, and entreated him to make his per- 
manent abode within a Union cemented in part of 
his own blood. President Jefferson seconded these re- 
quests and prepared the way for him honorably to 
become an American citizen by offering to appoint 
him governor of the newly acquired territory of Lou- 
isiana. The heart of the General was touched by 
these tokens of affection, but he felt constrained to 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 331 

remain in France as long as there was the slightest 
hope of her political elevation. Though every thing 
seemed lost, yet he discerned radiance athwart the 
gloom. As he expressed it in his letter to Mr. Jef- 
ferson : " For me to pronounce the sentence ; to pro- 
claim it, as it were, by a final expatriation, would be 
a concession so contrary to my sanguine nature, that 
unless I were absolutely forced, I know not the land, 
however disadvantageous, and still less can I imag- 
ine the hope, however unpromising, which I could 
totally and irrevocably abandon." 

But the tranquillity of La Grange was mournfully 
interrupted. A terrible calamity, in 1807, fell with 
desolating weight upon that household. During the 
barbarous confinement in Austria, the constitution of 
Madame de Lafayette had received a shock which it 
could not bear. Disease, slow but certain, had fas- 
tened upon her frame and hastened her to the grave. 
The raptures of re-union could not divert, though 
they cheered her pathway to the tomb. Lafayette 
saw her cheek paling ; her eye growing dim ; her step 
becoming less elastic; and the thought which these 
warnings awakened was one of agony. On the 24th 
of December she gave him her last smile, and breath- 
ing a prayer that he might have " the peace of God," 
she closed her eyes in death's gentlest slumber. 
" She died," says Mr. de Segur, " surrounded by a 
numerous family, who offered up ardent prayers to 
heaven for her preservation. When unable to artic- 
ulate, a smile played upon her lips at the sight of 
her husband and children, who bathed her death-bed 



532 LIFE OF GENERAL 

with tears. Devoted to her domestic duties, which 
were her only pleasure ; adorned by every virtue ; 
pious, modest, charitable, severe to herself, indulgent 
to others, she was one of the few whose pure reputa- 
tion has received fresh luster from the misfortunes 
of the Revolution. Though ruined by our political 
storm, yet she scarcely seemed to recollect that she 
had ever enjoyed ample fortune. She was the hap- 
piness of her family, the friend of the poor, the con- 
soler of the afflicted, an ornament to her country, 
and an honor to her sex." 

The emotions which tossed the heart of Lafayette 
under this bereavement, he himself has partially ex- 
pressed in the following extract from a letter to his 
friend Masclet. " I willingly admit," said he, '' that 
under great misfortune, I have felt myself superior 
to the situation in which my friends had the kindness 
to sympathize; but at present, I have neither the 
power nor the wish to struggle against the calamity 
which has befallen me, or rather, to surmount the 
deep affliction which I shall carry with me to the 
grave. It will be mingled with the sweetest recol- 
lections of the thirty-four years, during which I was 
bound by the tenderest ties that, perhaps, ever ex- 
isted, and with the thought of her last moments, in 
which she heaped upon me such proofs of her incom- 
parable affection. I cannot describe the happiness 
which, in the midst of so many vicissitudes and trou- 
bles, I have constantly derived from the tender, no- 
ble and generous feeling, ever associated to the inter- 
ests which gave animation to my existence." 



MAHQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. ggjj 

These feelings were perennial. The widowhood 
of his heart was no transient thing; it darkened the 
world till lie sank to rest. " One day during his 
last illness," writes a constant attendant upon him, 
" I surprised him kissing her portrait, which he al- 
ways wore suspended to his neck in a small gold me- 
dallion. Around the portrait were the words, ' I am 
yours,' and on the back was engraved this short and 
touching inscription : ' I was then a gentle compan- 
ion to you ! — in that case — bless me.' " 

In the year 1814 passed another act in the rapidly 
shifting drama of French politics. The ruling dy- 
nasty was changed. The allied powers of Europe 
had broken the rod of I^apoleon, and banished him 
to Elba, while Louis XVIII. was seated upon the 
throne of his fathers. Amid these excitements La- 
fayette stood a reserved but not unobservant specta- 
tor. He did not regret the fall of Bonaparte, for he 
had seen him striding rapidly forward to an uncom- 
promising despotism. He did not rejoice in the ele- 
vation of Louis, for this only brought upon the stage 
again the old evils of Jacobinism, from which he and 
the nation had already suffered so frightfully. The 
fact, that Louis derived his power from and was 
maintained in his position by the enemies of the 
realm, was especially repugnant. During the brief 
reign of this monarch, Lafayette appeared once at 
court, and though graciously received by the King, 
he retired to La Grange and did not repeat the visit. 
He could do nothing for France, and his only course 
was to mark the tide of affairs; persuaded that re- 



SS4 LIFE OF GENERAL 

publican principles would yet have a glorious resur- 
rection. 

Louis XVIII. remained in possession of his 
throne for scarcely eleven months. The " man of 
destiny " had not yet fulfilled his prescribed career. 
In the month of February, 1815, he contrived to 
elude the vigilant watch at Elba, and on the first of 
March he landed upon the shores of France. From 
Cannes, where he first planted his foot, the news of 
his arrival spread as on lightning wing, awakening 
the mingled emotions of gladness and consternation. 
With scarcely a thousand soldiers, he started for 
Paris, confident that he would be able to drive his 
rival from the throne, and take again the scepter. 
His march was a triumph. Bands of men, actuated 
by the enthusiasm which he could inspire, flocked 
to his standard. The force sent out to oppose his 
progress, joined his ranks, with the hearty shout 
". Vive rempereur." Marshal I^ey, " the bravest of 
the brave," with all the troops under his command, 
hastened to swell his army. Grenoble and Lyons 
opened their gates at his approach, while with vic- 
torious and rapid strides, the exiled Emperor neared 
the walls of Paris. Louis heard of his approach at 
first with amazement, and then with despair. One by 
one, he saw the props on which he had relied, sinking 
away from beneath him, until before the 18th of 
March, his last army had yielded to the magic of 
INTapoleon's presence, and he found himself alone. 
His only resource was in flight, and on the 20th of 
March he forsook the capital, which was immedi- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 335 

ately entered bj jSTapoleon, who, assuming the reins, 
recommenced liis imperial reign. 

Lafayette could not interfere, but looked on with 
absorbing interest. He was not unnoticed by the 
Emperor. ISTapoleon knew that power regained, 
might be wrested from his grasp, unless its founda- 
tions were laid more broadly in concessions which 
the progressive democratic principle demanded. He 
accordingly gave his pledges, and then sent his 
brother Joseph to sound Lafayette, and secure his al- 
legiance. Honors were offered him ; — all the dignity 
that Bonaparte could bestow was laid at his feet, but 
he refused to compromise principle, or attach himself 
to the fortunes of the Corsican. An hereditary peer- 
age was reestablished by ^N^apoleon, and Lafayette 
pressed to take his seat as a member, with the inti- 
mation that his name was first on the list of peers. 
His reply to the ex-king of Spain, who had urged 
this, was significant : — " Should I ever again appear 
on the scene of public life," said he, " it can oxly 

BE AS A REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PEOPLE." The 

peerage was refused, and Lafayette, urged by the in- 
habitants of his district, accepted the appointment as 
their representative to the elective body, instituted to 
sit in connection with the peers. 

In this capacity he appeared before his country, 
ready to show forth the same immutability of integ- 
rity, and the same energy " as was possessed by him 
to whom America raised statues ere manhood had 
shed its down upon his cheek; — to whom the mili- 
tary spirit of France devoted a sword of victory, 



S36 LIFE OF GENERAL 

formed out of the dungeon bars of the Bastile which! 
he had broken. As a member of the chamber of 
deputies, he exhibited to his country a bright, untar- 
nished model of the true, pure, incorruptible consti- 
tutionalists of 1789, whose views for the liberty and 
happiness of their country had been successively and 
effectually frustrated, by the sordid selfishness of 
antiquated privilege, by the factious intrigues of san- 
guinary democracy, — and by the aspiring views of 
bold, boundless and despotic ambition." 

His course in the chamber during the first stage of 
his renewed appearance there, was very unobtrusive. 
He sought no prominence, either to favor or oppose 
any new measures. He considered France invaded, 
and as a good citizen, voted for all the supplies need- 
ful for defense ; but in no way implicated himself in 
Bonaparte's gigantic designs. It was not till after 
the overthrow at Waterloo, that his voice was heard 
from the tribune, expressing sentiments which had 
not been breathed in that place, since they had fallen 
from his own lips twenty years before. He insisted 
that ISTapoleon should abdicate, but indulged in no 
invectives, and uttered no reproaches upon fallen 
greatness. In all the mortifying scenes through 
which the Emperor was now compelled to move, La- 
fayette treated him with generous sympathy and 
kindness. He stipulated in the Assembly that the 
liberty and life of jSTapoleon should be guaranteed 
by the nation, and endeavored to obtain for him two 
frigates to conduct him safely to the United States be- 
fore falling into the hands of the allies ; but it was too 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 337 

late. Il^apoleon's star of destiny was declining, yet 
his heart was touched by the attentions of him from 
whom he had least expected them. 

After the fate of Napoleon was sealed, Louis 
XVIII. was again forced by the allies upon the 
French, contrary to the wishes of both Lafayette and 
themselves. Resistance was however impossible, for 
a million of foreign bayonets environed him, and 
Lafayette again returned to La Grange. His retire- 
ment continued unbroken for four years, when, in 
1819, he was elected to the chamber of deputies, 
from the departments of La Sarthe and Meaux. The 
King had manifested that steady encroachment upon 
the rights of the people characteristic of the Bour- 
bons, and Lafayette opposed the arrogance of Louis. 
He attacked despotic claims with a freedom of 
speech that went to the palace. The minions of the 
King were resolved to crush him. They hoped to 
find him guilty of conspiracy; they watched his 
words for a traitorous meaning; but he continued 
hurling his fulminations against tyranny, utterly re- 
gardless of the consequences to himself. The King 
bore it awhile, but patience was never a Bourbon 
virtue, and Louis XVIII. certainly did not excel his 
predecessors in this particular. In 1823 he ordered 
his Solicitor General to accuse Lafayette of treason. 
The charge was publicly made in the chamber of dep- 
uties, and, for a few minutes, was received with pro- 
found silence by that body. At length Lafayette 
slowly arose, and with perfect self-possession, took his 
stand upon the tribune. For a moment he said 
22 



538 LIFE OF GENERAL 

nothing, but with his arms folded across his manly 
breast, he coolly surveyed the assembly. Then, with 
composure and without denying the charge, he said: 
— " In spite of my habitual indiiference to party ac- 
cusations and animosities, I still think myself bound 
to say a single word upon this occasion. During the 
whole course of a life entirely devoted to liberty, I 
have constantly been an object of attack to the ene- 
mies of that cause, under whatever form, despotic, 
aristocratic, or anarchic, they have endeavored to 
combat it. I do not complain, then, because I ob- 
serve some affection in the use of the word proved, 
which the Solicitor General has employed against 
me; but I join my honored friends in demanding a 
public inquiry, within the walls of this chamber, 
and in the face of the nation. Then, I and my ad- 
versaries, to whatever rank they belong, may declare, 
without reserve, all that we have mutually had to re- 
proach each other with, for the last thirty years." 

From such a challenge his accusers recoiled and 
none were willing to accept it. They loved darkness 
rather than light. The charge melted speedily away 
before the threatening aspect of a public inquisition. 
Lafayette was acquitted, but the government, by bri- 
bery and intrigues, defeated his reelection. He was 
at length prepared for his contemplated project of 
revisiting America. France and the United States 
were at peace ; he was free from any extraordinary 
care ; and his waning years reminded him that his 
voyage must be speedily, if ever, accomplished. He 
had struggled to establish a republic upon both con- 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 339 

tinents; foiled at home, he yearned to repose under 
the goodly tree which he had planted and watered 
abroad, whose boughs were waving broad and high 
in the sunlight of human well-being. Universal joy 
spread over America at the intelligence. President 
Monroe promptly wrote him, offering to place a na- 
tional frigate at his service to convey him to the 
United States. He no longer hesitated, and declin- 
ing Mr. Monroe's offer, he set sail from Havre, on 
the 12th of July, 1824, in an American merchant- 
man, accompanied by his son George Washington, 
and his private secretary Mr. Levasseur. The citi- 
zens of Havre were prepared to give a public demon- 
stration to their admiration of Lafayette, but the gov- 
ernment had ordered its police to stop it and repress 
any sigTis of respect by the immense multitude as- 
sembled to witness his embarkation. But three 
hearty cheers broke spontaneously from the host, 
as the sails of the Cadmus were spread, and the 
wind bore the vessel from port.. 

On the 15th of August, The Cadmus arrived in 
the harbor of ISTew York, after a pleasant passage of 
thirty-one days. It was on the morning of the Sab- 
bath ; and, with respect for the sacredness of the 
day, he accepted the invitation of Vice President 
Tompkins to land uiwn Staten Island, and remain 
at his mansion till the following day. With unut- 
terable emotion he s^et his feet upon the freest soil 
in the world, endeared by grand and touching memo- 
ries. It was a rich draught of pleasure, and all the 
magnificence of his reception afterwards did not aug- 



340 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ment the gladness of this first movement of his land- 
ing. 

The arrangements for his reception in the city 
were ample ; and early on Monday morning salutes 
were fired, and the bells commenced ringing their 
glad peals of welcome. The whole town was alive 
with expectation, and soon the bay, from JSTew York 
to Staten Island, was covered with boats anxious to 
catch the first sight of the nation's guest. At nine 
o'clock in the morning, the committee appointed by 
the Corporation, the Ofiicers of the Army and ISTavy, 
the Major-Generals and the Brigadier-Generals of 
the Militia, the President of the Chamber of Com- 
merce, and the committee from the Society of Cin- 
cinnati, set out to escort him to the city. All the 
steamboats proffered their services to accompany the 
escort, magnificently dressed for the occasion, with 
flags and streamers of every land, they presented a 
pageant new and altogether imposing. The Battery 
was crowded with spectators; Castle Garden was 
filled, and every boat that arrived to take its station 
teemed with excited throngs. Amid the display of 
the scene, the steamboat Chancellor Livingston,'^ 
which was to receive the Marquis, presented a singu- 
lar appearance; her only decoration being the flag 

*The Chancellor Livingston, the last of the steamboats 
planned by Robert Fulton, was built in 1815. Slie ran on the 
Hudson for nearly sixteen years, and, in 1833, was bought by 
Cornelius Vanderbilt and Amos H. Cross of Portland, and, 
after some improvements, was placed on the route between 
Boston and Portland. After running there two years, she 
was condemned as a sea-boat and was broken up at Portland. 
Her engines, however, were placed in a new boat called the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 341 

of the United States and that of Xew York. This 
was a delicate compliment to Lafayette. He needed 
not the ornaments of tinselled splendor. He was re- 
ceived with military honors; but the wild huzza, 
which rose from thousands when he stepped on 
hoard, drowned the music and the roar of cannon. 
Among the company on board were several revolu- 
tionary soldiers, who had been by his side in the 
smoke of battle, and forgetful of ceremony they 
rushed forward to embrace their old companion in 
arms. The greeting was equally warm with him, and 
tears fell from " eyes unused to weep " while those 
veterans were embracing. Just then, the bands, 
which had been playing, " See the conquering hero 
comes," struck into the favorite French air, " Ou 
peut-on etre mieux quau sein de sa famille"'^ and 
the immense flotilla moved forward. Far as the eye 
could reach, the venerable Marquis saw joyful faces, 
and heard the acclamations of the two hundred thou- 
sand participants of that gala day. 

Landing at the Battery, he entered Castle Garden, 
and partook of refreshments provided, and then tak- 
ing his seat with General Morton, in an elegant 
barouche, drawn by four white horses, a way was 
slowly opened through the multitude, to the City 
Hall. All along Broadway the pavements, the 

Portland, whicli. at the time of the Mexican war, was chnrted 
by the United States government, and Berved until lost off 
the coast of Mexico in 1848. 

*" Where can one be better than in the bosom of his 
family." 



342 LIFE OF GENERAL 

roofs and windows, were crowded by a dense assem- 
blage, among whom the eye of the illustrious visitor 
rested upon no sorrowful face. 

At the City Hall he was appropriately welcomed 
by the Mayor, and then received the congratulations 
of distinguished citizens, who pressed forward to 
offer their salutation. JSTow and then, one of his 
former comrades would press through the crowd, and 
grasping his hand, give by his flowing tears a wel- 
come which his faltering tongue refused to speak, 

For four days he remained in ISTew York; on the 
20th, he left for Boston, attended by a large con- 
course of citizens, who thronged his way for miles. 
His course was along Long Island Sound, and his 
reception by the different towns on the southern bor- 
ders of Connecticut, was evidence of the general en- 
thusiasm awakened by his arrival. At Fairfield, an 
elegant table was prepared at the Hotel, by the young 
ladies of the town, who gained great honor by the 
manner in which it had been prepared. " The deco- 
rations of the table were planned on a style of the 
greatest elegance ; the dishes were quite enveloped 
with evergreens and scattering flowers ; and the due 
proportions were observed in the succession of 
viands, as well as in the harmony and contrast of 
colors, which maintained a kind of silent correspond- 
ence, from the opposite sides of a splendid cone that 
occupied the center. On taking their seats at the 
table, the guests might have supposed themselves in- 
vited to a feast of wreaths and flowers, studded with 
the ' crimson hail ' of winter greens^ cranberries and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 343 

amare dulcis. The table was like the bed of some 
fairy's enchanted garden, so entirely did the decora- 
tions overshadow and conceal the rich collation be- 
neath. When this verdant veil was removed, the scene 
was changed as suddenly as at the dissolving of a 
spell, and the company could not repress their sur- 
prise. The General expressed his gratification at this 
specimen of female taste, and regretted that it should 
be so quickly destroyed, to gratify that of the gentle- 
men." 

On the 24th, he reached Boston, where his recep- 
tion was exceedingly brilliant. Under the shadow 
of Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall, his soul kindled 
with the fire which burned nearly half a century 
before. 

Such was the uniformly splendid reception, that 
to describe one scene, is to picture all. He travelled 
most of the country, and with daily increasing pleas- 
ure, saw evidences of thrift and prosperity. In the 
southern and western portion of the country, he went 
over an area of over 3000 miles in extent, which was 
a pathless desert when he last visited the new world, 
but which now displayed to his astonished vision, 
nine new states, from whose flourishing towns a free, 
virtuous, and intelligent people, poured forth to in- 
voke blessings on his head. Every new city, every 
improvement that he witnessed, every indication of 
advancing greatness, was testimony to the wisdom 
and purity of his youthful choice. His mind often 
went back to scenes of early hardship, and as he con- 
trasted them with the brightness of the present, he 



344: LIFE OF GENERAL 

rejoiced in the harvest, a thousand fold upon the 
bloody sowing. His visit was during an excited 
Presidential contest, when the friends of Adams, 
Jackson, Clay and Crawford, were in the field, and 
the country was in a flame of party strife. Few elec- 
tions have been more warmly fought, and he looked 
on a passive, but deeply interested observer. He be- 
held the elements of order; the law and the consti- 
tution exerted their silent authority. The same men 
who to-day, in party hostility met like foes, to-mor- 
row would mingle their congratulations. It was a 
spectacle which made him sigh over the scenes of the 
Old World. It was a beautiful exhibition of the 
practical workings of principles which his benevo- 
lence would have scattered around the globe. 

It is often said that republics are ungrateful, but 
the United States have given a bright exception to 
this charge. Congress bestowed upon him two hun- 
dred thousand dollars, and a township of land, as a 
partial testimony of the value of his Revolutionary 
services. 

His reception by Congress was peculiarly gratify- 
ing. The first act passed by it after organization, 
was one of public welcome to him. A committee of 
twenty-four members, was appointed to wait upon 
the General, and invite him to visit Congress upon 
such a day as be might choose to designate. On the 
day appointed, he entered the Hall of Representa- 
tives, which had been tastefully decorated, where the 
Senators and members of the House had assembled 
to receive him. Every one rose on his entry, and 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 345 

remained standing while the rich tones of Mr. Clay, 
the Speaker of the House, pronounced the following 
eloquent address: — 

" General, — The House of Representatives of 
the United States, impelled alike by its own feelings, 
and by those of the whole American people, could 
not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty, than 
that of being its organ to present to you cordial con- 
gratulations upon the occasion of your recent arrival 
in the United States, in compliance with the wishes 
of Congress and to assure you of the very high satis- 
faction which your presence affords on this early 
theater of your glory and renown. Although but 
few of the members who compose this body, shared 
^ith you in the war of the Revolution, all have a 
knowledge from impartial history, or from faithful 
tradition, of the perils, the sufferings, and the sacri- 
fices, which you have voluntarily encountered, and 
the signal services, in America and in Europe, which 
you performed for an infant, a distant, and an alien 
people ; and all feel, and own, the very great ex- 
tent of the obligations under which you have placed 
our country. But the relations in which you have 
ever stood to the United States, interesting and im- 
portant as they have been, do not constitute the only 
motive of the respect and admiration which this 
House entertains for you. Your consistency of char- 
acter, your uniform devotion to regulated liberty, in 
all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also 
commands its highest admiration. During all the re- 
cent convulsions of Europe, amidst, as after the die- 



346 LIFE OF GENERAL 

persion of, every political storm, the people of the 
United States have ever beheld you true to your old 
principles, firm and erect, cheering and animating, 
with your well known voice, the votaries of liberty, 
its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed tho 
last drop of that blood, which here you so freely and 
nobly spilt in the same holy cause. 

" The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that 
Providence would allow the Patriot, after death, to 
return to his country, and to contemplate the inter- 
mediate changes which had taken place — to view the 
forests felled, the cities built, the mountains leveled, 
the canals cut, the highways constructed, the pro- 
gress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and 
the increase of population. General, your present 
visit to the United States is the realization of the 
consoling object of that wish. You are in the midst 
of posterity! Every where you must have been 
struck with the great changes, physical and moral, 
which have occurred since you left us. Even this 
very city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared 
to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest 
which then covered its site. In one respect, you be- 
hold us unaltered, and that is in this sentiment of 
continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection 
and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the 
Father of his country, and to your illustrious asso- 
ciates, in the field and in the cabinet, for the multi- 
plied blessings which surround us, and for the very 
privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. 
This sentiment now fondly cherished by more than 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 347 

ten millions of people, will be transmitted, with un- 
abated vigor, doAvn the tide of time, through the 
countless millions who are destined to inhabit this 
continent, to the latest posterity." 

The reply of Lafayette was full of feeling. Said 
he:— 

" Mr. Speaker, — While the people of the United 
States, and their honorable Representatives in Con- 
gress, have deigned to make choice of me, one of the 
American veterans, to signify in his person, their 
esteem for our joint services and their attachment 
to the principles for which we have had the honor to 
fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those 
extraordinary favors with my dear revolutionary 
companions — yet, it would be, on my part, uncandid 
and ungrateful not to acknowledge my personal share 
in those testimonials of kindness, as they excite in 
my breast emotions which no words could adequately 
express. 

" My obligations to the United States, sir, far ex- 
ceed any merit I might claim. They date from the 
time when I had the happiness to be adopted as a 
young soldier, a favored son of America. They have 
been continued to me during almost half a century 
of constant affection and confidence, and now, sir, 
thanks to your most gratifying invitation, I find my- 
self greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour of 
which would more than compensate for the public 
exertions and sufferings of a whole life. 

" The approbation of the American people and 



348 LIFE OF GENERAL 

their Representatives, for my conduct during the 
vicissitudes of the European Revolution, is the high- 
est reward I could receive. Well may I stand ' firm 
and erect,' when, in their names, and by you, Mr. 
Speaker, I am declared to have, in every instiince, 
been faithful to those American principles of liberty, 
equality and true social order, the devotion to which, 
as it has been from my earliest youth, so shall it con- 
tinue to be to my latest breath. 

" You have been pleased to allude, Mr. Speaker, 
to the peculiar felicity of my situation, when, after 
so long an absence, I am called to witness the im- 
mense improvements the admirable communications, 
the prodigious creations of which we find an example 
in this city, whose name itself is a venerated pal- 
ladium ; in a word, all the grandeur and prosperity 
of these happy United States, which at the same 
time they nobly secure the complete assertion of 
American Independence, reflect on every part of the 
world the light of a far superior civilization. 

" What better pledge can be given of a persever- 
ing national love of liberty, when, those blessings 
are evidently the result of a virtuous resistance to 
oppression and the institutions founded on the rights 
of man and the Republican principle of self-govern- 
ment. "No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for 
me — since in the sons of my companions and friends, 
I find the same public feelings, and permit me to 
add, the same feelings in my behalf, which I have 
had the happiness to experience in their fathers. 

" Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 349 

a Committee of a Congress of thirteen States, to ex- 
press the fond wishes of an American heart. On 
this day I have the honor, and enjoy the delight, 
to Congratulate the Representatives of the Union, so 
vastly enlarged, on the realization of those wishes, 
even beyond every human expectation, and upon the 
almost infinite prospects we can with certainty antic- 
ipate. 

" Permit me, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen, to 
join, to the expression of those sentiments, a tribute 
of my lively gratitude, affectionate devotion, and 
profound respect." 

The House of Representatives then adjourned, 
and the Speaker descended from his chair, and gave 
his hand affectionately to the agitated veteran. The 
members gathered round, and, as one by one they 
gave their greeting, Lafayette felt, that amid all the 
triumphs he had enjoyed, none had surpassed this. 
A scene as impressive occurred in the Senate cham- 
ber. 

Among the incidents of Lafayette's tour, was his 
visit to the tomb of Washington, which is thus de- 
scribed by his private secretary and constant atten- 
dant : — 

" Leaving Washington and descending the Poto- 
mac, after a voyage of two hours, the guns of fort 
Washington announced that we were approaching 
the last abode of the Father of his country. At this 
solemn signal, to which the military band accom- 
panying us responded by plaintive strains, we went 
on deck and the venerable soil of Mt. Vernon was 



350 LIFE OF GENERAL 

before us; at this view an involuntary and sponta- 
neous movement made us kneel. We landed in boats 
and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet 
of Washington, A carriage received General Lafay- 
ette, and the other visitors silently ascended the pre- 
cipitous path which conducted to the solitary habi- 
tation of Mt. Vernon. 

" Three nephews of General Washington took La- 
fayette, his son, and myself, to conduct us to the 
tomb of their uncle; our numerous companions re- 
mained in the house ; in a few minutes after, the 
cannon of the fort, thundering anew, announced that 
Lafayette tendered homage to the ashes of Wash- 
iNGTOJsr. Simple and modest as he was during life, 
the tomb of the citizen hero is scarcely perceived 
amid the sombre cypresses by which it is sur- 
rounded. A vault slightly elevated and sodded over, 
a wooden door without inscriptions, some withered 
and some green garlands, indicate, to the traveler 
who visits this spot, the place where rest in peace 
the puissant arms which broke the chains of his 
country. As we approached, the door was opened; 
Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and a few 
minutes after re-appeared with his eyes overflowing 
with tears. He took his son and me by the hand 
and led us into the tomb, where by a sign he indi- 
cated the coffin of his paternal friend, alongside of 
which Avas that of his companion in life, united to him 
in the grave. We knelt reverently near his coffin, 
which we respectfully saluted with our lips, and ris- 
ing threw ourselves into the arms of Lafayette and 
mingled our tears with his." 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 351 

The year, which he had allotted for his visit, 
passed rapidly by in well nigh uninterrupted festiv- 
ity and rejoicing. But such scenes could not last 
forever, and on the 6th of September, 1825, the anni- 
versary^ of his birthday, Lafayette enjoyed his last 
fete in America. This was at the house of Presi- 
dent Adams, in Washington, and on the following 
day, " the old man eloquent," in the presence of a 
large concourse of citizens, made the farewell ad- 
dress in the name of the American people and gov- 
ernment. The closing part of this was in the follow- 
ing highly finished strain. 

" The ship is now prepared for your reception, and 
equipped for sea. From the moment of her depar- 
ture, the prayers of millions will ascend to heaven 
that her passage may be prosperous, and your re- 
turn to the bosom of your family as propitious to 
your happiness, as your visit to this scene of your 
youthful glory has been to that of the American peo- 
ple. 

" Go, then, our beloved friend — return to the land 
of brilliant genius, of generous sentiment, of heroic 
valor ; to that beautiful France, the nursing mother 
of the twelfth Louis and the fourth Henry; to the 
native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and 
Catinat, of Fenelon and d'Aguesseau. In that illus- 
trious catalogue of names which she claims as of her 
children, and with honest pride holds to the admira- 
tion of other nations, the name of Lafayette has 
already for centuries been enrolled. And it shall 
henceforth burnish into brighter fame; for if, in 



852 LIFE OF GENERAL 

after days, a Frenchman shall be called to indicate 
the character of his nation by that of one individual, 
during the age in Avhich Ave live, the blood of lofty 
patriotism shall mantle in his cheek, the fire of con- 
scious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he shall 
pronounce the name of Lafayette. Yet we, too, our 
children, in life and after death, shall claim you for 
his own. You are ours by that more than patriotic 
self-devotion with Avhich you flew to the aid of our 
fathers at the crisis of their fate ; ours by that long 
series of years in which you have cherished us in 
your regard; ours by that unshaken sentiment of 
gratitude for your services, which is a precious por- 
tion of our inheritance ; ours by that tie of love, 
stronger than death, which has linked your name, 
for the endless ages of time, with the name of Wash- 
ington. 

" At the painful moment of parting from you, we 
take comfort in the thought, that wherever you may 
be, to the last pulsation of your heart, our country 
will ever be present to your affections; and a cheer- 
ing consolation assures us, that Ave are not called to 
sorrow most of all that we shall see your face no 
more. We shall indulge the pleasing anticipation of 
beholding our friend again. In the meantime, 
speaking in the name of the whole people of the 
United States, and at a loss for language to give ut- 
terance to that feeling of attachment with which the 
heart of the nation beats, as the heart of one man — I 
bid you a reluctant and affectionate farewell." 

Visibly moved, Lafayette thus replied; 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 353 

" Amid all my obligations to the General Govern- 
ment, and particularly to you, sir, its respected 
Chief-Magistrate, I have most thankfully to ac- 
knowledge the opportunity given me, at this solemn 
and painful moment, to present the people of the 
United States with a parting tribute of profound, 
inexpressible gratitude. 

" To have been in the infant and critical days of 
these States adopted by them as a favorite son, to 
have participated with them in the toils and perils 
of our unspotted struggle for independence, freedom, 
and equal rights, and, in the foundation of the Amer- 
ican era, of a new social order, which has already 
pervaded this, and must, for the dignity and happi- 
ness of mankind, successfully pervade every part of 
the other hemisphere, to have received at every stage 
of the Revolution, and during forty years after that 
period, from the people of the United States, and 
their representatives at home and abroad, continual 
marks of their confidence and kindness, has been the 
pride, the encouragement, the support of a long and 
eventful life. 

" But how could I find words to aclcnowledge that 
series of welcomes, those unbounded and universal 
displays of public affection, which have marked each 
step, each hour of a twelve months' progress through 
the twenty-four States, and which, while they over- 
whelm my heart with grateful delight, have most 
sntisfactf^rily evinced the concurrence of the people 
in the kind testimonies, in the immense favors, be- 
stowed on me by the several branches of their rep- 

23 



354: LIFE OF GENERAL 

resent atives, in every part, and at the central seat 
of the confederacy ? 

" Yet gratifications still higher await me, in the 
wonders of creation and improvement that have met 
my enchanted eye, in the unparalleled and self-felt 
happiness of the people; in their rapid prosperity 
and insured security, public and private; in a prac- 
tice of good order, the appendage of true freedom 
and a national good sense, the final arbiter of all dif- 
ficulties, I have proudly to recognize a result of the 
republican principles for which we have fought, and 
a glorious demonstration to the most timid and pre- 
judiced minds, of the superiority over degrading 
aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions 
founded on the plain rights of man, and where the 
local rights of every section are preserved under a 
constitutional bond of union. The cherishing of that 
union between the States, as it has been the fare- 
well entreaty of our great paternal Washington, and 
will ever have the dying prayer of every patriotic 
American, so it has become the sacred pledge of the 
emancipation of the world, an object in which I am 
happy to observe that the American people, while 
they give the animating example of successful free 
institutions in return for an evil entailed upon them 
by Europe, and of which a liberal and enlightened 
sense is every where more and more generally felt, 
show themselves every day more anxiously inter- 
ested. 

" xind now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 355 

and lively feelings, for the assurances, most pecu- 
liarly valued, of your esteem and friendship, for your 
so very kind references to old times, to my beloved 
associates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your 
affecting picture of the blessings poured by the sev- 
eral generations of the American people, on the re- 
maining days of a delighted veteran, for your affec- 
tionate remarks on this sad hour of separation, on 
the country of my birth, full I can say of American 
sympathies, on the hope so necessary to me of my 
seeing again the country that has deigned, near a 
half a century ago, to call me hers! I shall content 
myself, refraining from superfluous repetitions, at 
once, before you, sir, and this respected circle, to 
proclaim my cordial confirmation of every one of the 
sentiments which I have had daily opportunities 
publicly to utter, from the time M^hen your venera- 
ble predecessor, my old friend and brother in arms, 
transmitted to me the honorable invitation of Con- 
gress, to this day, when you, my dear sir, whose 
friendly connections with me date from your earli- 
est youth, are going to consign me to the protection, 
across the Atlantic, of the heroic national flag, on 
board the splendid ship, the name * of which has 
not been the least flattering and kind among the 
numberless favors conferred upon me. 

" God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. 
God bless the American people, each of their states, 
and the federal government. Accept this patriotic 

* The Brandywine — alluding to the battle in which he was 
first wounded. An exceedingly fine compliment. 



356 LIFE OF GENERAL 

farewell of an overflowing heart; such will be its 
last throb when it ceases to beat." 

On the same day Lafayette embarked at the head 
of the Potomac, on the frigate which had been set 
apart to convey him to France, and the following 
morning, the Brandywine weighed anchor and 
spread her sails to the breeze. Sadness fell upon the 
heart of Lafayette, as his eye caught the last glimpse 
of the receding shore, for he knew that he should 
never behold it again. His family met him at 
Havre, and his tenants flocked forth like children 
around a parent, as he drew near La Grange. May 
he never leave us again, was the fervent wish 
breathed by the humblest attendant. Engaged in 
lighter employments which his age demanded, sur- 
rounded by pleasing associations, he hoped that his 
tempest-tossed bark might now glide peacefully and 
smoothly over the deep, into the eternal haven. 
Along his eventful career, he glanced without regret, 
and looked onward to death, desiring to go with a 
still and untroubled spirit. 

But the clouds which had been for generations 
gathering in the firmament, had not yet spent their 
fury upon his devoted land. The meanings of 
another tempest were heard. Charles X. was on the 
throne of France, and madly dashing on to despot- 
ism, while the volcanic elements were gathering 
strength, hourly, under his insane administration. 
Lafayette saw the coming crisis, and once more ac- 
cepted a seat in the Chamber of Deputies. He hoped 
to guide, if he could not avert, the $torm. For two 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 357 

or three years he labored incessantly, and with for- 
mer activity, to prevent the calamity, by inducing a 
different order of things in the government. 
Charles distrusted him with Bourbon prejudice; the 
Ministry hated him; and his endeavors were inef- 
fectual to accomplish permanent change. The man- 
agement of public aifairs grew constantly worse, and 
the people, driven at last to desperation, resolved 
again to take redress into their own hands. In 1830, 
this was done. In July of that year, was the Revo- 
lution of " THE THREE DAYS " * accomplished. Be- 

*The " Tliree Glorious Days" applies to the insurrection of 
Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, July 27. 28, and 29, 1830. 
which drove Charles X. from his throne. It was on July 25 
that Charles issued tlie famous ordinances — all of them vio- 
lating the charter he had lately granted— wliich brought 
matters to a crisis. '"The Parisians at once flew to arms, 
and raised barricades in the many streets which then favored 
street defence. Marmont, hated by the people as being the 
first of Napoleon's marshals who had treated with the allies, 
was to quell the disturbances with some 20.000 troops of the 
line ; but on the second day's fighting (July 28) the insur- 
gents, aided by tlie disbanded National Guards and veterans 
of the empire, beat back the troops ; and on the third day the 
royal troops, cut ofif from food and supplies, and exhausted 
by the heat, gave way before the tricolor flag ; the defection 
of two line regiments left the Louvre unguarded ; a panic 
spread among other regiments, and soon tlie tricolor floated 
above the Tuileries. Charles thereupon set the undignified 
example, soon to be followed by so many kings and princes, 
of giving way when it was too late. He offered to withdraw 
the hated ordinances, but was forced to flee from St. Cloud. 
He then tried the last expedient, also doomed to failure, of 
abdicating in favor of his little grandson, the Duke of Bor- 
deaux, since better known as the Comte de Chambord, 
Retiring slowly with his family to Cherbourg, the baffled 
monarch set out for a second and last exile, spent first at 
Holyrood Palace, Edinburgh, and ended at Goritz in Bohe- 
mia. More than 5,000 civilians and 700 soldiers were killed 
or wounded in those terrible "three days" of July, 1830, 
which ended all attempts to re-establish the tyranny of the 



358 LIFE OF GENERAL 

fore the infatuated Monarch had dreamed of danger, 
the crown was rudely torn from his brow, and the 
scepter snatched from his hand forever. The terri- 
ble lesson which had been tanght in the fate of Louis 
XVL, Charles X. blindly refused to learn, until he 
was in the hopeless vortex. His overthrow was 
rapid, but unmarked by the atrocities of the pre- 
vious Revolution, which filled the sluices of Paris 
with blood. Lafayette was called to the command 
of the jSTational Guards, and the people clamored for 
a Republic; insisting that their tried friend should 
be their chief magistrate. With disinterested pat- 
riotism, which never shone more radiantly than on 
the present occasion, he felt that France was not 
ready for a Republican form of government; and 
that he had not, sufiiciently, the confidence of all 
parties, to secure a harmonious result, should he 
assume the reigns of sovereignty. This was there- 
fore declined, and his own choice fell upon Louis 
Philippe, Duke of Orleans, whose entire course of 
life had so far exhibited a uniform and consistent 
attachment to free principles, fitted as a member of 
the royal family to reconcile in his person the con- 
flicting interests of the nation. " I know of only 
one man," said Lafayette to him, "who can bring 
Prance to a Republic, and you are that man." 

Owing very much to Lafayette's influence, op- 
posed by his friends, Louis Philippe was duly 

old repcime. The victims were appropriately buried in the 
Place de la Bastille. They freed not France alone, but dealt 
a fierce blow at the svstem of Metternich."— J. H. Rose, Cen- 
tury of Continental History, chapter xxiii. 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 359 

chosen Lieutenant General of the nation, which title 
was subsequently changed to " Citizen King of the 
French." In this appointment we admire the self- 
sacrificing spirit of Lafayette, but we cannot affirm 
what subsequent events have fully denied, — the wis- 
dom of the choice. During his life he maintained 
an outward show of respect for his King, who, soon 
after his elevation, gave unmistakable signs that his 
footsteps also were in the beaten path of absolutism 
and tyranny. His fate has been an additional warn- 
ing to despots, and adds another page to those annals 
from which the kings of the earth should learn wis- 
dom. 

We must now come to the close of the earthly 
existence of him whose character and career we have 
endeavored, in the preceding pages, to portray. 
Though blessed with a constitution which had sus- 
tained burdens insupportable to ordinary frames, he 
had to yield to accumulated disease and old age. An 
attack of ischury, to which he was predisposed, met 
him on the 2d of February, 1834, and soon gave 
warning of fatality. Lie gradually sunk, and neither 
the skill of physicians, the assiduities of friends, 
nor the sympathies of nations, could stay the ap- 
proach of death. " On the 20th of May," says one 
of his attending physicians, " about one o'clock in 
the morning, the gravity of the symptoms increased. 
Respiration, which, for the last eight and forty hours 
had been much impeded, became still more difficult, 
and the danger of suffocation was more imminent. 
Drowsiness, delirium, and prostration of strength, 



360 LIFE OF GENERAL 

became more decidedly pronounced, and at twenty 
minutes past four o'clock in tlie morning, Lafayette 
expired in our arms. 

" A few moments before he breathed his last, La- 
fayette opened his eyes, and fixed them with a look 
of affection on his children, who surrounded his bed, 
as if to bless them, and bid them an eternal adieu. 
He pressed my hand convulsively, experienced a 
slight degree of contraction in the forehead and eye- 
brows, and drew in a deep and lengthened breath, 
which was immediately followed by a last sigh. His 
pulse, which had not lost its force, suddenly ceased 
to beat. A murmuring noise was still heard about 
the region of the heart. To produce re-animation, 
we employed stimulating frictions, but in vain; the 
General had ceased to exist. His countenance re- 
sumed a calm expression — that of peaceful slum- 
ber." 

Thus died Lafayette^, in the seventy-seventh year 
of his age. He was buried in a small cemetery, be- 
longing to the Convent D'Anghien, in the environs 
of Paris. His wife and son, George Washington, 
repose in the same enclosure. 

"We would that we might catch, in these closing 
scenes, the evidences of a Christian faith, to gild his 
pathway to the sepulchre; but these, we are unhap- 
pily denied. Lafayette needed this grace, without 
which, all other virtues are dim and powerles? in 
such an hour. If to the noble qualities which he 
possessed, " had been added," as another has re- 
marked, " the pure faith and sublime hopes of the 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 361 

Gospel, nothing would have been wanting to com- 
plete the portraiture of a perfect man.''' 

A universal sadness spread over France, and many 
parts of Europe, at his death. As the tidings were 
borne across the Atlantic, sorrow, like the shadow 
of a total eclipse, swept over the Union ; the 
penumbra of that which followed the decease of 
George Washington. 

A Kingdom and a Kepublic joined in a funeral 
wail for " the man" of two worlds," emphatically, 
because he had drawn the hemispheres together in 
the growing brotherhood of our common humanity. 

Of his personal appearance and habits, one who 
knew him well, has recently said of him : " In per- 
son he was tall and strongly built, with broad shoul- 
ders, large limbs, and a general air of strength, 
which was rather increased than diminished by an 
evident tending towards corpulency. He had moro 
dignity of bearing than any man I ever saw. And 
it was not merely the dignity of self-possession, 
which early familiarity with society and early habits 
of command may give even to an ordinary man, but 
that elevation of manner which springs from an hab- 
itual elevation of thought, bearing witness to the pur- 
ity of its source, as a clear eye and ruddy cheek bear 
witness to the purity of the air you daily breathe. In 
some respects he was the mercurial Frenchman to 
the last day of his life ; yet his general bearing, that 
in which he comes oftenest to my memory, was of 
calm earnestness, tempered and mellowed by quick 
sympathies. 



S6S LIFE OF GENERAL 

" The family breakfast-hour was at eleven. The 
castle-bell was rung; the household collected in the 
parlor ; and all descended in one order to the dining- 
room. It was pleasant to see this morning gathering. 
The General was almost always among the first to 
come in and take his stand by the fireplace, with a 
cordial greeting for each guest in turn. As his 
grand-children entered, they went up to offer their 
morning salutations to him first of all, and there was 
the paternal kiss on the forehead, and a pleasant 
word for each. His son and daughters generally 
saw him in his own room before they came down. 

" Breakfast was a cheerful meal, served in courses 
like dinner, and seasoned with conversation, in 
which every one was free to take a part or listen, as 
he felt disposed. There was no hurry — no confusion 
about it; all sat down and rose at the same time; 
and as every one that worked at all had evidently 
done part of his day's work before he came to the 
table, all came with good appetites. Then came 
the family walk, all starting out in a group, but 
always sure to break up into smaller groups as they 
went on — the natural law of affinities never failing to 
make itself felt, and they who found most pleasure 
in each other's society generally ended their walk to- 
gether. Sometimes the General would come a little 
way with us, but soon turned off to the farm, or 
dropped behind and went back to his books and let- 
ters. 

" His private apartments consisted of two rooms 
on the second floor. The first was his bedroom — a 



MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 363 

cheerful, though not large room, nearly square, with 
a comfortable fireplace, and a window looking out 
upon the lawn and woods behind the castle. Just 
outside of the bedroom, and the first object that 
struck your eye on approaching it from the gallery, 
was a picture by one of his daughters, representing 
the burly turnkey of Olmutz in the act of unlocking 
his dungeon-door. ' It is a good likeness,' said the 
General to me, the first time that he took me to his 
rooms, ' a very good likeness. I remember the fea- 
tures well.' From the bedroom a door opened into a 
large turret-room, well lighted and airy, and which, 
taking its shape from the tower in which it stood, 
was almost a perfect circle. This was the General's 
library. In the window that looked upon the farm- 
yards was the General's writing-table and seat. A 
spy-glass lay within reach, enabling him to overlook 
the yard-work without rising from his chair ; and on 
the table were his farm-books, with the record of 
crops and improvements entered in regular order 
with his own hand. Charles Sumner, who visited 
La Grange, tells me that they lie there still." Such 
as we have described him, was Lafayette. 

The events which were crowded into his long life, 
illustrate his character better than a critical analysis 
could give its strong and beautiful elements. The 
two revolutions through which he passed, remind us 
of the course of some great rivers, which, quickly 
emerging from their own solitude among the high- 
lands, flow on to a battlement of rocks, where in a 
foaming concentration of power, is revealed the man- 



364 LIFE OF GENERAL 

ifold hues and sublime law of their onward current. 
Laf avette came to our shores from his early home of 
luxury, and entered the vortex of revolution. Doubt- 
less there was something of youthful romance in the 
bold adventure. But when the purity and grandeur 
of his purpose, whose guiding law was affection for 
Freedom, was revealed in his marvellous success, 
Washington heard the echo of his own mighty spirit, 
and the people hailed the Marquis, as worthy to be 
folded in the same mantle with the man who stood 
in isolated dignity upon a continent — with the na- 
tions at his feet in their involuntary homage. Re- 
tiring to La Grange, the heroic nobleman was, for a 
brief period, behind the scenes again. But at the 
frantic cry of his country he appears amid the fear- 
ful meeting of awakened millions in civil war. The 
same bright and majestic march of being under the 
inner force of patriotic fervor, was disclosed, and 
won the admiration of all ; a singular instance in its 
pre-eminence, of a " Protector/'' whose character 
is unsullied, and whose name binds perpetually to- 
gether, in historical annals, two centuries and two 
worlds ! 

THE END. 



BURT'S HOME LIBRARY 



Oomprising four hundred and fourteen titles of 
standard works, embracing fiction, essays, poetry, 
history, travel, etc., selected from the worla''s best 
literature,vvritten by authors of world-wide reputa- 
tion. Printed from large type on good paper, and 
bound in handsome uniform cloth binding. 



Uniform Clotb Bindia?. Gilt Tops. Price, $1.00. 



Ablw Constantln. By L. Halevy. 

Abbot. By Sir Walter Scott. 

(»dam Bede. By George Eliot. 

Aesop's Fables. 

Alhambra. Washington Irving. 

Alice in Wonderland, and Through 
the Looking Glass. By Lewis 
Carroll. 

Alice Lorraine. R. D. Blackmore. 

All Sorts and Conditions of Men. 
By Besant and Rice. 

Amicl's Journal. Translated by 
Mrs. Humphrey Ward. 

Andersen's Fairy "Tales. 

Anne of Geierstein. By Sir Wal- 
ter Scott. 

Antiquary. Sir Walter Scott. 

Arabian Nights' Entertainments. 

Ardath. By Marie Corelli. 

A.rmadale. By Wilkie Collins. 

Armorel of Lyonesse. W. Besant. 

Arnold's Poems. Matthew Arnold. 

Around the World in the Yacht 
Sunbeam. By Mrs. Brassey. 

Arundel Motto. Mary Cecil Hay. 

At the Back of the North Wind. 
By George Macdouald. 

Attic Philosopher. E. Souvestre. 

Auld Licht Idyls. J. M. Barrie. 

Aunt Diana. By Rosa N. Carey. 

Aurelian. By William Ware. 

Autobiography of B. Franklin. 

Autocrat of the Breakfast Table. 
By 0. W. Holmes. 

Averil. By Rosa N. Carey. 

Bacon's Essays. Francis Bacon. 

Barbara Heathcote's Trial. Rosa 
N. Carey. 

Barnaby Rudge. Charles Dickens. 

Barrack-Room Ballads. Rudyard 
Kipling. 

Betrothed. Sir Walter Scott. 

Beulah. Ry Augusta J. Evans. 

Black Beauty. By Anna Sewoll. 

Black Dwarf. Sir Walter Scott. 

Black Rock. By Ralph Connor. 

Bleak House. Charles Dickens. 

Bondman, The. By Hall Caine. 

Bride of Lammermoor. Sir Wal- 
ter Scott. 

Bride of the Nile, The. George 
Ebers. 

Browning's Poems. Elizabeth Bar- 
rett Browning. 

Browning's Poems. (Robert.) 

Bryant's Poems. W. C. Bryant. 

Burgomaster's Wife. Geo. Ebers. 

Burns' Poems. By Robert Burns. 

By Order of the King. V. Hugo. 

Byron's Poems. By Lord Byron. 

California and Oregon Trail. By 
Francis Parkman, Jr. 




Carey's Poema. By Alice anfl 
Phoebe Carey. 

Cast Up by the Sea. By Sir Sam- 
uel Baker. 

Caitons. Bulwer-Lytton. 

Chandos. By "Ouida." 

Charles Auchester. E. Berger. 

Character. By Samuel Smiles. 

Charles O'Malley. Charles Lever. 

Chevalier de Maison Rouge. By 
Alexandre Dumas. 

Chicot the Jester. Alex. Dumas. 

Children of the Abbey. By Regiua 
Maria Roche. 

Children of Gibeon. W. Besant. 

Child's History of England. By 
Charles Dickens 

Christmas Stories. Chas. Dickens. 

Clara "Vaughau R. D. Blackmoro. 

Cloister and the Hearth. Charles 
Reade. 

Coleridge's Poems. Samuel Taylor 
Coleridge. 

Complete Angler. Walton & Cot- 
ton. 

Confessions of an Opium Eater. 
By Thomas De Quincey. 

Conquest of Granada. Washing- 
ton Irving. 

Consuelo. By George Sand. 

Corinne. By Madame De StaeL 

Countess de Charny. A. Dumas. 

Countess Gisela. E. Marlltt. 

Countess of Rudolatadt. By Geo. 
Sand. 

Count Robert of Paris. W. Scott. 

Courtship of Miles Standish. Bf 
H. W. Longfellow. 

Cousin Pons. By H. de Balzac. 

Cradock Nowell. By R. D. Black- 
more. 

Cranford. By Mrs. Gaskell. 

Cripps the Carrier. R. D. Black- 
more. 

Crown of Wild Olive. J. Ruskln. 

Daniel Deronda. George Eliot. 

Data of Ethics. H. Sp«>nrpr. 

Daughter of an Emsress. By 
Louisa Muhlbacb. 



StrkT'S fitOSTE MBRART— Continued. Price «1.00 p«t Cdpy. 



Daughter of Heth. Wm. Black. 

David Coppei-field. Chas. Dickens. 

Days of Bruce. Grace Aguilar. 

Deemster, The. By Hall Caiue. 

Deerslayer. By J. F. Cooper. 

Descent of Man. Charles Uarwin. 

Dick Sand. By Jules Veruo. 

Discourses of Epictetus. Trans- 
lated by George Long. 

Divine Comedy. (Dante.) Trans- 
lated by Rev. H. F. Carey. 

Dombey & Son. Charles Dickens. 

Donal Grant. Geo. Macdonald. 

Donovan. By Edna Lyall. 

Dora Deane. Mary ,T. Holmes. 

Dove in the Eagle's Nest. By 
Charlotte M. Yonge. 

Dream Life. By Ik Marvel. 

Duty. By Samuel Smiles. 

Barly Days of Christianity. By 
F. W. Farrar. 

Bast Lynne. Mrs. Henry Wood. 

Education. By Herbert Spencer. 

Egoist. By George Meredith. 

Egyptian Princess. Geo. Ebers. 

Eight Hundred Leagues on the 
Amazon. By Jules Verne. 

Eliot's Poems. By George Eliot. 

Emerson's Essays. (Complete.) 

Emerson's Poems. Ralph Waldo 
Emerson. 

Emperor, The. By George Ebers. 

English Orphans. M. J. Holmes. 

Essays of Elia. Charles Lamb. 

Esther. By Rosa N. Carey. 

Evangeline. H. W. Longfellow. 

Executor. Mrs. Alexander. 

Fair Maid of Perth. By Sir Wal- 
ter Scott. 

Fairy Land of Science. By Ara- 
bella B. Buckley. 

Far From the Madding Crowd. By 
Thomas Hardy. 

ffaust. (Goethe.) Translated by 
Anna Swanwick. 

Felix Holt. By George Eliot. 

Fifteen Decisive Battles of the 
World. By E. S. Creasy. 

File No. 113. Emile Gaboriau. 

Firm of Girdlestone. By A. Conan 
Doyle. 

First Principles. H. Spencer. 

First Violin. Jessie Fothergill. 

For Faith and Freedom. Walter 
Besant. 

Fortunes of Nigel. Walter Scott. 

Forty-Five Guardsmen. Alexandre 
Dumas. 

Fragments of Science. J. Tyndall. 

Frederick the Great and His 
Court. Louisa Muhlbach. 

French Revolution. T. Carlyle. 

From the Earth to the Moon. By 
Jules Verne. 

Goethe and Schiller. By Louisa 
Muhlbach. 

Gold Bug. By Edgar A. Poe. 

Gold Elsie. By E. Marlitt. 
Golden Tror.sury, The. Francis T. 
Palgrave. 

Goldsmith's Poems. 

Good Luck. By E. Werner. 

Grandfather's Chair. Nathaniel 
Hawthorne. 

Gray's Poems, Thomas Gray. 



Great Expectations. By Dickens. 
Greek Heroes. Charles Kingsley. 
Green Mountain Boys, The. By 

D. P. Thompson. 
Grimm's Household Tales. 
Grimm's Popular Tales. 
Gulliver's Travels. Dean Swift. 
Guy Mannering. Walter Scott. 
Handy Andy. By Samuel Lover. 
Hardy Norseman. Edna Lyall. 
Harold. By Bulwer-Lytton. 
Harry Lorrequer. Charles Lever. 
Heart of Midlothian. By Scott. 
Heir of Redclyffe. By Charlotte 

M. Yonge. 
Hemans' Poems. By Mrs. Felicia 

Hemans. 
Henry Esmond. W. M. Thack* 
eray. < 

Her Dearest Foe. Mrs. Alezan* 

der. 
Heriot's Choice. Rosa N. Carey. 
Heroes and Hero Worship. Thoa. 

Carlyle. 
Hiawatha. H. W. Longfellow. 
History of a Crime; Victor Hugo. 
History of Civilization In Europs, 

By Guizot. 
Holmes' Poems. O. W. Holmes. 
Holy Roman Empire. Jas. Bryceu 
Homo Sum. By George Ebers. 
Hood's Poems. Thomas Hood. 
House of the Seven Gables, fly 

Nathaniel Hawthorne. 
House of the Wolf. By Stanley 

J, Weyman. 
Hunchback of Notre Dame. By 

Victor Hugo. 
Hypatla. By Charles Kingsley. 
Iceland Fisherman. Pierre Loti. 
Idle Thoughts of an Idle Fellow. 

By Jerome K. Jerome. 
Iliad, The. Pope's Translation, 
Ingelow's Poems. 
Initials. Baroness Tautphoeus, 
Intellectual Life. By Philip O. 

Hamerton. 
In the Counselor's House. By H. 

Marlitt. 
In the Golden Days. Edna Lyall, 
In the Schillingscourt. B. Map 

litt. 
It Is Never Too Late to MendL 

By Charles Reade. 
Ivanhoe. By Sir Walter Scott. 
Jack's Courtship. W. C. Russell. . 
Jack Hinton. By Charles Lever, , 
Jane Eyre. Charlotte BrontS. 
John Halifax. By Miss Muloek. 
Joshua. By George Ebers. 
Joseph Balsamu. Alex. Dumas. ' 
Keats' Poems. By John Keats, i 
Kenilworth. By Sir Walter Scott ' 
Kidnapped. By R. L. Stevenson, 
Kit and Kitty. R. D. Blackmore,. ' 
Knickerbocker's History of New 

York. Washington Irving. 
Kith and Kin. Jessie FothergilL 
Knight Errant. By Edna Lyall. 
Koran. Sale's Translation. 
Lady of the Lake. Sir W. Scott, 
Lady with the Rubies. E. Marlitt^ 
Lalla Rookb. Thomas Moore. 
Last Days of Pompeii. By Bul« 
wer-Lytton. 



BtTRT'S HontE lilBRARir— Continued. Price S1>00 per Copy. 



Lamplighter. Maria S. Cummins. 
Last of the Barons. Bnlwer-Lyt- 

ton. 
Last of the Mohicans. By James 

Feniiuore Cooper. 
Lay of the Last Minstrel. By Sir 

Walter Scott. 
Lena Rivers. Mary J. Holmes. 
Life of Christ. By F. W. Farrar. 
Light of Asia. Edwin Arnold. 
Light that Failed, The. Rudyard 

Kipling. 
Little Dorrit. Charles Dicliens. 
Longfellow's Poems. (Karly.) 
Lorna Doone. R. D. Blackmore. 
Louise de la Valliere. Alexandre 

Dumas. 
Love Me Little, Love Me Long. 

By Charles Reade. 
Lover or Friend. Rosa N. Carey. 
Lowell's Poems. (Early.) 
Lucile. By Owen Meredith. 
Macaulay's Poems. 
Maid of Sker. By R. D. Black- 
more. 
Makers of Florence. By Mrs. 011- 

phant. 
Makers of Venice. By Mra. OM- 

phant. 
Man and Wife. Wilkle Collins. 
Man In Black. Stanley Weyman. 
Man In the Iron Mask. By Alex- 
andre Dumas. 
Marguerite de Valoia. By Alex- 
andre Dumas. 
Marmion. Sir Walter Scott. 
Marquis of Lossie. George Mac- 

donald. 
Martin Chuzzlewit. By Charles 

Dickens. 
Mary Anerley. R. D. Blackmore. 
Mary St. John. Rosa N. Caroy. 
Master of Ballautrae. By B. L. 

Stevenson. 
Masterman Ready . By Captain 

Marry at. 
Meadow Brook. Mary J. Holmes. 
Meditations of Marcus Aurelius. 

Translated by George Long. 
Memoirs of a Physician. Aleyan- 

dre Dumas. 
Merle's Crusade. Rosa N. Carey. 
Micah Clarke. A. Conan Doyle. 
Michael StrogofC. Jules Verne. 
Middlemarch. By George Eliot. 
Midshipman Easy. By Captain 

Marryat. 
Mill on the Floss. George BUot. 
Milton's Poems. 

Mine Own People. R. Kipling. 
Molly Bawn. "The Duchess." 
Monastery. Sir Walter Scott. 
Moonstone. By Wilkie Collins. 
Moore's Poems. Thomas Moore. 
Mosses from an Old Mause. By 

Nathaniel Hawthorne. 
Mysterious Island. Jules Verne. 
Natural Law in the Spiritual 

World. Henry Drummond. 
Nellie's Memories. Rosa N. Carey. 
Newcomes. B.v W. M. Thackeray. 
Nicholas Nlckleby. Chas. Dickens. 
Ninety-Three. By Victor Hugo. 
Not Like Other Girls. By Bosa 

H, Carey. 



No Name. By Wilkie Collins. 
Odyssey. Pope's Translation. 
Old Curiosity Shop. By Charles 

Dickens. 
Old Mam'selle's Secret. By R. 

Marlitt. 
Old Mortality. Sir Walter Scott. 
Old Myddleton's Money. By Mary 

Cecil Hay. 
Oliver Twist. Charles Dickens. 
Only a Word. By George Ebers. 
Only the Governess. By Bosa N. 

Carey. 
On the Heights. B. Anerbach. 
Origin of Species. Chas. Darwin. 
Other Worlds than Ours. Richard 

Proctor. 
Our Bessie. By Rosa N. Carey. 
Our Mutual Friend. By CharleB 

Dickens. 
Pair of Blue Eyes. Thos. Hardy. 
Past and Present. Thos. Carlyle, 
Pathfinder. James F. Cooper. 
Pendennis. W. M. Thackeray. 
Pere Gorlot. H. de Balzac. 
Peveril of the Peak. By Sir Wal- 
ter Scott. 
Phantom Rickshaw, The. Rad< 

yard Ivipllng. 
Phra, The Phoenician. By EdwlB 

L. Arnold. 
Plceiola. By X. B. Salntine. 
Pickwick Papers. Chas. Dickens. 
Pilgrim's Progress. John Bunyan. 
Pillar of Fire. By Rev. J. H. 

Ingraham. 
Pilot, The. By James F. Cooper. 
Pioneers. By James F. Cooper. 
Pirate. By Sir Walter Scott. 
Plain Tales from the Hills. By 

Rudyard liipling. 
Poe's Poems. By Edgar A. Poe. 
Pope's Poems. Alexander Pope. 
Prairie. By James F. Cooper. 
Pride and Prejudice. Jane Austen. 
Prince of the House of David. 

By Rev. J. H. Ingraham. 
Princess of the Moor. E. Marlitt. 
Princess of Thule. Wm. Black, 
Procter's Poems. By Adelaide 

Procter. 
Professor. Charlotte Bronte. 
Prue and I. By Geo. Wm. Curtis. 
Queen Hortense. Louisa Mubl- 

bach. 
Queenie's Whim. Rosa N. Carey, 
Queen's Necklace. Alex. Dumas. 
Quentin Durward. Walter Scott. 
Redgauntlet. Sir Walter Scott. 
Red Rover. By James F. Cooper. 
Reign of Law. Duke of Argyle. 
Reveries of a Bachelor. By Ik 

Marvel. 
Reynard the Fox. Joseph Jacobs. 
Ehoda Fleming. By George Mer- 
edith. 
Rienzi. By Bulwer-Lytton. 
Robert Ord's Atonement. By Bosa 

N. Carey. 
Robinson Crusoe. Daniel Defoe. 
Rob Roy. By Sir Walter Scott. 
Romance of Two Worlds. Marie 

Coreili. 
Romola. By George Ellot- 
Bory O'More. By SamueX LoTeri« 



BCTRT'S HOME MBRARY—Contlnued. 



Eossettl's Poems. Gabriel Dante 

Rossettl. 
Royal Edinburgh. Mrs. Oliphant. 
Saint Michael. By E. Werner. 
Schonberg-Cotta Family. By Mrs. 

Andrew Charles. 
Sartor Resartus. Thos. Carlyle. 

The. Nathaniel 



Essays. Trans- 
B. Saunders. 

By Jane Porter. 
Walter Scott. 



Scarlet Letter, 

Hawthorne. 
Schopenhauer's 

lated by T. 
Scottish Chiefs. 
Scott's Poems. 
Search for Basil Lyndhurst. 

Rosa N. Carey. 
Second Wife. By B. Marlitt. 
Seekers after God. F. W. Farrar. 
Self-Help. By Samuel Smiles. 
Sense and Sensibility. By Jane 

Austen. 
Sesame and Lilies. John Ruskln. 
Seven Lamps of Architecture. By 

John Ruskin. 
Shadow of a Crime. Hall Caine. 
Shelley's Poems. 
Shirley. By Charlotte BrontS. 
Sign of the Four, The. By A. 

Conan Doyle. 
Silas Marner. By George Eliot. 
Silence of Dean Maitland. By 

Maxwell Grey. 
Sin of Joost Avelingh, Maarten 

Maarteus. 
Sir Gibbie. George Macdonald. 
Sketch Bool£. Washington Irving. 
Social Departure, A. By Sarah 

Jeannette Duncan. 
Soldiers Three. Rudyard Kipling. 
Son of Hagar. By Hall Caine. 
Springhaven. R. D. Blackmore. 
Spy, The. By James F. Cooper. 
Story of an African Farm. By 

Olive Schreiner. 
Story of John G. Paton. By Rev. 

Jas. Paton. 
Strathmore. By "Guida." 
St. Ronan's Well. Walter Scott. 
Study in Scarlet, A. By A. Conan 

Doyle. 
Surgeon's Daughter. By Sir Wal- 
ter Scott. 
Swinburne's Poems. 
Swiss Family Robinson. By Jean 

Rudolph Wyss. 
Taking the Bastile. Alei. Dumab. 
role of Two Cities. By Charles 

Dickens. 
iTales from Shakespeare. Charles 

and Marv Lamb. 
Tales of a "Traveller. By Wash- 

iiierton Irvinir. 
Talisman. Sir Walter Scott. 
Tanglewood Tales. By Nathaniel 

Hawthorne. 
Tempest and Sunshine. By Mary 

J. Holmes. 
Ten Nights in a Bar Room. By 

T. S. Arthur. 
Tennyson's Poems. 
Ten Years Later. Ales. Dumas. 
Terrible Temptation. By Charles 

Reade. 
Thaddeus of Warsaw. By Jane 

Porter. 
Tbelma. By Marie Oorelll. 



Price Sl.OO per Copy. 

By Frederick 



Thirty Years' War. 

Schiller. 
Thousand Miles Up the Nile. By 

Amelia B. Edwards. 
Three Guardsmen. Alex. Dumas. 
Three Men in a Boat. By J. K. 

Jerome. 
Thrift. By Samuel Smiles. 
Toilers of the Sea. Victor Hugo. 
Tom Brown at Oxford. By Thos. 

Hughes. 
Tom Brown's School Days. By 

Thomas Hughes. 
Tom Burke of "Ours." By Chas. 

Lever. 
Tour of the World in Bightyl 

Days. By Jules Verne. 
Treasure Island. By R. Louis 

Stevenson. 
Twenty Thousand Leagues Under 

the Sea. By Jules Verne. 
Twenty Years After. By Alex- 
andre Dumas. 
Twice Told Tales. By Nathaniel 

Hawthorne. 
Two Admirals. J. P. Cooper. 
Two Years Before the Mast. By 

R. H. Dana, Jr. 
Uarda. By George Ebers. 
Uncle Max. By Rosa N. Carey. 
Uncle Tom's Cabin. By Harriet 

Beeeher Stowe. 
Under Two Flags. "Ouida." 
Undine, De La Motte Pouque. 
Unity of Nature. By Duke of 

Argyle. 
Vanity Fair. W. M. Thackeray. 
Vendetta. By Marie Corelli. 
Vicar of Wakefield. By Oliver 

Goldsmith. 
Vlcomte de Bragelonne. Alexan- 
dre Dumas. 
Villette. By Charlotte Bronte. 
Virginians. W. M. Thackeray. 
Water Babies. Charles Kingsloy. 
Water Witch. James F. Cooper. 
Waverley. By Sir Walter Scott. 
Wee Wifie. By Rosa N. Carey. 
Westward Ho! Charles Kingsley. 
We Two. By Edna Lyall. 
What's Mine's Mine. By George 

Macdonald. 
When a Man's Single. By J. M. 

Barrie. 
White Company. By A. Doyle. 
Whittler's Poems. 
Wide. Wide World. By SusaO 

Warner. 
Window in Thrums. J. M. Barrio* 
Wing and Wing. J. F. Cooper. 
Woman in White. Wilkie CoUinad! 
Won by Waiting. Edna Lyall. 
Wonder Book, A. For Boys and 

Girls. By N. Hawthorne. 
Woodstock. By Sir Walter Scott. 
Wooed and Married. By Rosa N. 

Carey. 
Wooing O't. By Mrs. Alexander. 
Wordsworth's Poems. 
World Went Very Well then. By 

Walter Besact. 
Wormwood. By Marie Corelli. 
Vi^reck of the Grosveuor. By Wo 

Clark Russell. 
Zenobia. By William Ware. 




N s => , -A ' ^ " 



,-!s^ 



I*,'' --. .-^^ ~A 






"*< -'- ^> 



A 



'<?-. 






'Kf ^ v^^ 



,\V -/ 



'/>- = ''-[, 






'^y ,.0-^ %_ ^.^^®'..<^,^ 



\^'^ 



o^' 



•-:%■ 






^- 



,.H Xl 



"'^-\a^ 



..^^ 






^. 



^.Mm^' 



A 




.0 o 



'■^^v 




'-^ 



^^ V 



Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. 
Neutralizing agent: l\4agnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: ^^^ ^QQl 

PreservationTechnologies 

A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATIOM 

111 Thomson Park Drive 
Cranberry Township, PA 16066 
(724)779-2111 



<> V 

,^^' "^^-. 






V 



Oo, 






^S" 






A^^'^^'. 



"^^ V^' 






/. -^^ 



o•^ ''^ 









Oo. 



-V 



■% 



-f-. 






1- 



"^y- >^ 



■*'oo^ 







<^^' 




^> 






.\ 










>.- 


v^^ ^^^ 





■'^. ,x^^ 



